Companion to the Missal A-Ordinary

previous . . .

In addition to Pearson and Warren, the following books provide commentary and/or analysis and/or translation of the Sarum Ordinary:

John Henry Blunt, The Annotated Book of Common Prayer II (London: Rivingtons, 1866: 200-202.

William Maskell. The Ancient Liturgy of the Church of England (London: William Pickering, 1846).

Charles Walker, The Liturgy of the Church of Sarum (London, J. T. Hayes, 1866).

Morse, Herbert George. Notes on Ceremonial from the Antient English Office Books (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1888.)

Daniel Rock, The Church of Our Fathers, ed. Hart and Frere, Vol IV (London: John Murray, 1905).

Hurlbut, Stephen, The Liturgy of the Church of England (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1941).

Sandon, Nick, The Use of Salisbury, Vol. 1 (Newton Abbot, Devon: Antico Edition, 1984).

The Ordinary of the Sarum Mass changed and developed over time.  Legg, The Sarum Missal (1916): 205-230. provides the Ordinary as found in the 13th century.  Legg. Tracts on the Mass (1904): 1-16, provides an example of the Ordinary as found in the 14th century.  This edition represents the Ordinary as found in the late 15th and early 16th century printed missals.  The principal differences will be noted in this companion.

In the Sarum Use, the blessing of salt and water and the sprinkling rite are separate from the Mass itself. They are normally found at the beginning of the missal and at the beginning of the processional (the Vidi aquam normally appears on Easter Sunday). The 1526 and 1533 missals (Regnault), as well as the Marian missals (1554-55) include the Asperges and Vidi aquam near the beginning of the missal.

In the earlier printed missals the Ordinary of the Mass is usually found on Holy Saturday, whereas in the later ones it appears at the end of the Temporale, before the Sanctorale. Beginning in 1500, printed missals generally place the Ordinary at the end of the Temporale, but missals that place the Ordinary on Holy Saturday still appear in 1504, 1508, and 1512.

The Sarum Manuals also include the Prefaces and Canon of the Mass.

Besides the Ordinary of the Mass as presented here, the reader is referred to the First Sunday of Advent, p. 1. ff. which contains extensive rubrics concerning the performance of the Mass.

A helpful description of the Ordinary of the Sarum Mass appears in Dom Justin McCann, ‘A Sarum Missal: The Caldbeck Missal‘, Ampleforth Journal 24(1919):1-10; 78-89.

The Ordinary of the Mass also appears (without music) beginning of page [921] of the Breviary Psalter.  It appears there along with a series of votive masses so that a priest could have at hand in a single volume all the usual texts for both office and mass.

Sarum Training Session: an instructive video on how to officiate at low mass, prepared by Fr. Anthony Chadwick, 2015.  Along with the video, the following description is very useful.

In many ways the Sarum mass (and office) are similar to the Dominican Use.  Missale sacri ordinis Praedicatorum (Rome 1687): pdf:46-56 includes detailed rubrics for the actions of the priest and server for the ordinary of the mass that provide helpful insights into the Sarum practice.

Urquhart, Richard. Ceremonies of the Sarum Missal: A Careful Conjecture.  T. & T. Clarke, Nov. 2020. provides a detailed and insightful commentary, with references to numerous sources and comparison to the York, Hereford, Rome, Dominican and other orders.

Prayers while vesting
Hymn. Veni Creator Spiritius
Attr. Rabanus Maurus (776-856)
Trans. (Performing Edition) Edward Caswall (1814-1878)
Trans. (Scholarly Edition) J. D. Chambers, The Seven Hours of Prayer: 129.
See AH-L: #144 (p. 193.)
The Hymn is taken from Terce of Pentecost (see Brev.:1532.).

This hymn appears In the First Ordinal of Edward VI (1549) at the Ordering of Priests in the translation by Archbishop Matthew Parker (1504-75): ‘Come, Holy Ghost, eternal God, proceeding from above’.  It is in the ‘short metre’ common to the metrical psalter.

In the Use of Rouen this hymn appears amongst the devotions at the foot of the altar.

The familiar translation given below, by Bishop Cosin, 1627, which was included as an alternate to Parker’s version in the 1662 BCP, is unsuitable for the present edition as it compresses the seven stanzas of the original into four and a half:

1 Come, Holy Ghost, our souls inspire
And lighten with celestial fire;
Thou the anointing Spirit art,
Who dost thy seven-fold gifts impart.

2 Thy blessed unction from above
Is comfort, life, and fire of love;
Enable with perpetual light
The dullness of our mortal sight.

3. Anoint and cheer our soiled face
With the abundance of thy grace.
Keep far our foes, give peace at home ;
Where thou art guide, no ill can come.

4 Teach us to know the Father, Son,
And thee, of both, to be but one,
That through the ages all along
This may be our endless song:

5 Praise to thine eternal merit,
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.

V. Emitte Spiritum (Ps. 103:30, Old Roman).
This is the principle versicle for Pentecost (see Brev.:1527.).

Prayer. Deus cui omne cor patet
This prayer appears also in the votive mass for the Invocation of the Grace of the Holy Ghost.
In BCP this prayer (the Collect for Purity) is represented by the opening collect of the Communion Service.

‘An early translation . . . of about the year 1420 :–

God, unto whome alle hertes bene opene, and unto whome alle wylle spekyth, and unto whome no prive thing is hyd, I beseche the for to clence the entent of myn herte wt. the unspekeable gift of the holy goste, that I may perfytely love the and worthyliche prayse the, and also have the here by grace and in hevene be joy everlastynge.  Amen.”  MS. Harl. 2372. fol. 23.’ Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 7.

The above hymn, versicle and prayer comprise a Memorial of the Holy Ghost.  They form a preparation for Mass that appears only in the Sarum (and Bangor) liturgies.

The Bologna Missal omits the Veni Creator etc. and instead provides a set of prayers for washing the hands and vesting in amice, alb, cincture, maniple, stole, and chasuble.

‘The “Veni Creator” and the prayer “Deus qui omne” . . . were said in the sacristy before entering the church : from the first antiphon “Introibo” &c. to “Aufer a nobis” below the steps leading up to the altar.”  Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 4.  However, there is no indication of a sacristy in the Sarum sources.  Salisbury Cathedral has no sacristy suitable for vesting, although there is a muniment room for storage, with treasury below, to the south of the eastern transept.  Was the south-east transept used as a vestry?  Or was there indeed at some time a vestry space immediately behind the reredos of the high altar, as pictured in Tim Tatton-Brown and John Crook, Salisbury Cathedral: The Making of a Medieval Masterpiece (London: Scala, 2009): 61 and 103?
‘The preceding prayers according to the uses of Sarum, Bangor, and York having been said in the sacristy, the priest proceeded to the altar.  I do not remember any direction as to whether his head should be covered or uncovered.  Possibly in the mediaeval church of England the earlier practice, observed almost everywhere throughout the west until the tenth century, was still the rule and the priest wore nothing on his head.  For many centuries the Roman use has ordered the contrary, and so it is directed by the present rubrics : “Sacerdos omnibus paramentis indutus . . . capite cooperto accedit ad altare . . . cum pervenerit ad altare, stans ante illius infimum gradum, caput detegit, biretum ministro porrigit, et altari profunde inclinat.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 8.

Ant. Introibo ad altare (Ps. 42:4)

The Crawford Missal omits this psalm etc., and continues with the Confiteor.


Pater noster
Ave Maria
The text ‘Holy Mary . . . death’. is a later addition that appears only in selected later Sarum sources. This latter petition apparently first appeared in print in Girolamo Savonarola, Esposizione sopra l’Ave Maria, (1495).
In most non-Sarum versions ‘Christus’ is omitted.

‘. . . his finitis et officio misse inchoato . . .’
There is no specific instruction for the commencement of the choral Officium.  Presumably it began with the vesting or with the completion of the vesting, if the vesting was in view, or with the beginning of the entrance of the ministers, perhaps signalled by the ringing of a bell, as is commonly done today.  The choral Officium continues during the following prayers.  The choral Kyrie follows immediately after the conclusion of the Officium.

V. Confitemini Domino (Ps. 105:1)
While the D-R and BCP psalm texts have ‘Give glory’ and ‘Give thanks’, respectively, a more literal rendering would be ‘Confess’, thus providing a Bibilical mandate for the following confession.  Walker, The Liturgy of the Church of Sarum:40 has ‘Let us confess . . .’.

Confiteor Deo.
This also appears in the Breviary offices, at Prime and Compline.

Misereatur vestri. In fact the response should be ‘Misereatur tui omnipotens Deus, et dimittas tibi omnia peccata tua, liberes te ab omni malo : conserves et confirmes in bono et ad vitam perducas eternam.’ at this point (see Brev. [410]), and ‘Misereatur vestri’ etc. when the priest says the words.  This distinction is evident in the Roman form.  See Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 13.

‘Mediaeval translations of the Confiteor and Misereatur are rare : the following is written in a hand of about 1450 on the flyleaf of one of the prymers in the Bodleian (Douce MS 246).  This is printed also in the Monumenta ritualia, vol. 3. p. 304.
‘ “I knowleche to god of heuene, and vnto the blessid marye, and vnto alle his halowes, and vnto thee, fadre, that I wreche synner haue synned to moche, in thinkyng, spekyng, delityng, consentynge, in sijte, worde, and werk : blame thorugh my greatest blame. Therefore I preye the, blessid virgyne marye, and alle the halowes of god, and thee, fadre, preye for me vnto god, that he haue mercy of me.”
“Misereatur.  The alle myjty god haue mercy of thee, and forgeue to thee alle thy synnes : deliuere thee of alle yuele : saue and conferme thee in euery good werk : and lede thee to aylastyng lif.  So mote it be.  Amen.” ‘  Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 15.

The verb ‘tribuat’, in the subjunctive case, would be rendered more precisely ‘May the almighty and merciful Lord . . .’ as appears in Walker, The Liturgy of the Church of Sarum:41 and in the Roman Catholic Daily Missal, 1962.  However the translation provided makes the distinction between the previous supplication and the invoking of absolution through the priestly office.  The Roman form, beginning ‘Indulgentiam . . .’, has ‘nostrorum’, ‘nobis’, invoking absolution upon the celebrant as well as the other ministers.  It may be that the sign of the cross was employed here, as is indicated in the Roman Catholic Daily Missal, 1962.

Et sciendum est . . .‘.  This follows the general principle that it is the most senior cleric present that gives the absolution.  On the other hand, this rite is part of the private preparation for mass of the ministers and servers, while the Officium is being sung by the choir.  It would seem then that the Bishop would join the ministers and quietly lead the Confiteor and then return to his throne.

V. Adjutorium nostrum (Ps. 123:8)

V. Sit nomen Domini (Ps. 112:2)

The Crawford missal has a more extensive series of versicles here.

V. Oremus.
It will be noted that ‘Oremus’ appears here (aloud), before ‘Habete osculum pacis’ and again afterwards (silent). ‘Habete osculum pacis’ itself is not a prayer.  The older sources are not consistent on this.  Some older sources have only the first Oremus; all the older sources–at least those collated by Legg–omit the second Oremus.  It is my conjecture that the first Oremus was the long standing indication of the prayer to follow, after the interposed kiss of peace (indeed it is the usual continuation after the V. Dominus vobiscum), but that the second Oremus was a later addition intended for the priest alone to prepare for and focus on the prayer ‘Aufer a nobis Domine Deus.’  This discussion does bring into question whether the kiss of peace at this point is itself a later interpolation.  And of course, the kiss of peace would only be observed in the high mass (with deacon and subdeacon).  In practice it would seem appropriate to include the first Oremus, but to make the second Oremus optional; seeing that it is said silently, only the priest would notice the difference.
On the other hand, given the rubric ‘Deinde finitis precibus . . .‘ that follows the first ‘Oremus’, there may be intended personal private prayers interpolated at this point, followed by the Kiss of peace and the second ‘Oremus’.
In low masses ‘Habete’ and the second ‘Oremus’ would be omitted.

The Crawford Missal has a different text for this prayer.

‘. . . sacerdos deosculetur diaconum et subdiaconum . . . ‘
‘This ceremony is peculiar in this place to the Sarum and Bangor churches : nor is it easy to say from whence it was introduced.  We know that there was not an exact agreement as to the giving of the kiss in the ancient missals : having sprung from apostolic usage, it varied totally at last from its original design and was appointed to be given sometimes at one time, sometimes at another.  The Apostolical constitutions, lib. ii. cap. 61. and St. Justin, Apolog. 2. attach it to the oblation, which immediately succeeded : so also the nineteenth canon of the council of Laodicea, A.D. 366.’,  Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 20. It does not appear in the York Missal.

‘. . . tacita voce . . .’ literally ‘with silent voice‘.  Here the York Missal has ‘dicat devote et submisse‘, while the Roman Missal has ‘dicit secreto‘.

Oremus.  see discussion above.

Prayer. Aufer a nobis.
‘. . . a nobis . . .’ ‘There seems to be some doubt, say the ritualists, whether this prayer includes the people as well as the priest or whether the assistant deacon only is intended, who alone with the priest goes to the altar.  The next prayer in the Roman use concludes in the singular number, “ut indulgere digneris omnia peccata mea.”
‘Le Brun says : “Si sedulo res perpendatur eum pro se tantum orare perspicitur : et multitudinis quidem numero tantum utitur, quod una cum ipso diaconus quoque ad altare ascendere debet ;” tom. i. p. 68.’  Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 22.

Another prayer. Ante conspectum divine majestatis tue.
This optional prayer does not appear in the printed missals.

‘In nomine Patris . . .’.  This Trinitatian formula formally signals the beginning of the mass.

‘. . . dextro cornu altaris . . .’
‘In examining the old uses the student, if he takes for a guide the modern Roman books, will find much confusion respecting the right and the left corner of the altar.  In the rubric above and in other places of the English liturgies the right means the Epistle [i.e. south] side, and the left the Gospel [i.e. north] side.  The custom was the same in all the old Roman orders up to the end of the fifteenth century ; taking it to be the right hand and the left of the officiating priest, as well as of those who were standing by.  But in the year 1485 the Roman pontifical, published at Venice, laid down as a rule that the right hand and the left were to be taken from the crucifix upon the altar : by which new arrangement of course the old was entirely reversed.  See on this subject especially Sala’s notes to Bona, tom. iii. p. 49, and Le Brun, tom. i. p. 77, note.  Thus the general rubric of the present Roman missal makes an explanation, which since the adoption of the new rule has been indispensable : “Accedit ad cornu ejus sinistrum, id est, epistolae ; ubi stans, incipit Introitum,” &c.  Ritus celebr, tit. iv. 2.’,  Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 26.

‘. . . officium misse . . .’
‘These introits, as is well known, were retained in the first revised liturgy of king Edward the sixth.  They kept their old name of Introit long after the real reason why they were so called had ceased ; namely because they were sung at the entrance or approach of the priest to the altar.  Upon which point all the old writers agree.  See Micrologus, cap. i, Rupert, de divinis off. cap. 28, Raban. cap. 23.’  Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 26.  (One must, however, make the distinction between the Officium text said by the Officiant, and the Officium chant, sung by the Choir; it is the latter that is sung at the entrance or approach of the Priest to the Altar.)

‘. . . post repetitionem officii . . . intimentur, et incipiantur.
‘In this rubric we have two officers of the choir mentioned ; the cantor, and the rector chori.  There seems to have been two of the last named who probably answer to the precentor and succentor of St Isidore : “Cantor vocatur, quia vocem modulatur in cantu.  Hujus duo genera dicuntur in arte musica ; precentor et succentor : praecentor scilicet, qui vocem praemittit in cantu, succentor autem qui subsequenter canendo respondet.”  Apud Gratian. dist. xxl. c. 1.  If there were two of these, they stood each at the end of his own side of the choir, and having received the necessary information from the cantor who, as we shall, see stood in the centre, passed it on to his companions : Amalarius speaks of one praecentor as opposed to the succentores : “Praecentor in primo ordine finit responsorium.  Succentores vero eodem modo respondent.  Dein praecentor canit versum.” &c.  De ord. antiph. cap. 18 ; Bibl. patrum auct. tom. i. p. 527.
‘The name “rector chori” appears to have been if not peculiar to England yet chiefly adopted in her churches.  Ducange cites but one authority for it, from a Sarum breviary ; and explains it to be the same as “cantor :” in which I cannot but believe him to be in error, though I speak with hesitation against so great an authority.  But the rubric at the head of this note seems to put the matter beyond a doubt : and I shall add to it the following account of the duties of the cantor.  First, from the statutes of archbishop Lanfranc, cap. v ; with which agrees almost in word a statute of Evesham monastery, Dugdale, Monast. vol. ii. p. 39 : “De cantore. Quicunque lecturus aut cantaturus est aliquid, si necesse habet ab eo priusquam incipiat debet auscultare . . . Si quis obliviosus non incoeperit, cum incipere debet responsorium, aut antiphonam, aut aliud hujusmodi, ipse debet esse provisus, atque paratus, ut sine mora, quod incipiendum erat, incipiat, vel eum, qui fallendo deviaverat, in viam reducat : ad ipsius arbi trium cantus incipitur, elevatur, remittitur ; nulli licet cantum levare, nisi ipse prius incipiat . . . Cantor vero, in medio eorum debet esse in choro . . . et in dextro choro semper sit.”  Lanfranc, Opera, p. 279.  Again from the manuscript consuetudinary of Sarum, early in the thirteenth century : “Cantoris officium est chorum in cantuum elevatione et depressione regere vel per se, vel per succentorem suum, et in omni duplici festo lectiones legendas canonicis praesentibus injungere, cantores, lectores, et ministros altaris in tabula ordinare . . . Praeterea in majoribus duplicibus festis tenetur interesse regimini chori ad missam cum caeteris rectoribus chori. Praeterea in omni duplici festo rectores chori de cantibus injungendis et incipiendis tenetur instruere.”  The same rule is given in a Lichfield consuetudinary of 1294, printed by Wilkins, Concilia, tom. i. p. 498.
‘The cantor was in this sense the same as the praecentor, properly so called ; and not (as I have suggested above) as Isidore uses the word, for a rector chori : so that there might be more than one precentor, as we find in an epistle of Hinc mar, cited by Ducange, verb. praecentor : “praecentores, qui chorum utrinque regunt, sunt duces,” &c.  But the precentor strictly was “primus cantorum in ecclesia ; qui cantoribus praeest.”  The bishop of Salisbury is precentor (or “chaunter” as the old puritan author of “the life of the seventy archbishopp of Canterbury” calls him ; sign. D. ij : but the chronicle of Gervase, speaking of the council of 1175, says, “ad sinistram [primatis] sedit episcopus Wintoniensis, quia cantoris officio praecellit :” Script. X. p. 1429) of the college of bishops : according to Lyndwood : “Habet namque archiepiscopus Cantuariensis in collegio episcoporum episcopos. Londinensem decanum . . . Sarisburiensem praecentorem ;” lib. v. tit. 15.  Eternae, verb. tanquam.  Compare also lib. ii. tit. 3. verb. usum Sarum.  It has been supposed that this distinction arose from the fame of the Salisbury use, and of bishop Osmund.  Thomas archbishop of York, A.D. 1100, is said to have first appointed a precentor in that cathedral : Collier, Eccl. hist. vol. i. p. 281.
‘ A curious collection of signals by which the cantor made known his will to the choir are given by Gerbert, from some foreign monastic statutes.  These are all to be made by various movements of the hand and fingers.  De musica sacra, tom. i. p. 310, note a.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 28.

Gloria in excelsis
‘. . . pro dispositione cantoris.’ Although the cantor selects the melody for ‘Gloria in excelsis Deo’, the officiant intones it (which is why the intonations appear in the missal rather than the gradual). Presumably the cantor provides the intonation to the officiant immediately before he commences ‘Gloria in excelsis Deo’; this accords with the later rubric regarding the intonation on double feasts (1148).

‘Gloria in excelsis’ is sung at mass when ‘Te Deum’ is sung at Matins.  Maundy Thursday is the exception, upon which day ‘Gloria in excelsis’it is sung if the Bishop is present.
‘Very anciently, and indeed it has been supposed up to the year 1000, only bishops were permitted to say this hymn, except on Easter-day when priests also were allowed.  Walafrid Strabo, cap. 22, says, “statutum est, ut ipse hymnus in summis festivitatibus a solis episcopis usurparetur, quod etiam in capite libri sacramentorum designatum videtur.” Cardinal Bona, tom. iii. p. 85, cites a very early missal, now in the Vatican, with this regulation (which Strabo appears to mean) at the beginning : “Dicitur Gloria in excelsis Deo si episcopus fuerit, tantummodo die dominico, sive diebus festis.  A presbyteris autem minime dicitur, nisi in solo pascha.”  An old anonymous writer, in a book called Speculum ecclesiae, says that this hymn was sung only once in the year, on the day of the Nativity, and further, that in the first service it was sung in Latin, in the second in Greek.  Benedict XIV, Opera, tom. ix. p. 81.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 35.

‘. . . et etiam dicitur cum sua prosa in quotidianis missis in capella beate Marie omni sabbato.’  ‘Literal reading==”And it is said with its prose in the daily Masses in the Chapel of S. Mary every Saturday.”  Query if it means every Saturday, or “in the daily,” etc., and “every Saturday.”‘, Pearson, The Sarum Missal:294.

Gloria in excelsis
‘This, as is well known, is called the angelical hymn, from the first few words having been sung by the angels at the nativity of our Redeemer.  By whom the remainder was added is the subject of much dispute.  Some ascribe it to Telesphorus, bishop of Rome about A.D. 130 ; Innocent, De mysteriis, c. 20.  Alcuin, De div. off. cap. xl, gives it to Hilary of Poictiers, and with him agree Hugo, de div. off. cap. xj. and the author of the Gemma animae, lib. i. 87 : but against these (and others who may be mentioned) Bona observes that St. Athanasius, a contemporary of Hilary, speaks of the hymn with its additions as well known in his own time.  The fathers of one of the councils (iv. Tolet. can. 12) could not err when they cautiously observed. “reliqua quae sequuntur post verba angelorum, ecclesiasticos doctores composuisse.”  This hymn is called by the Greeks the great doxology ; and is said by them at their morning prayer.  In many manuscripts of the Latin church, especially in the most ancient, it is added to the end of the psalter with the Apostles’ and the Athanasian creeds, under the title “Hymnus matutinus.”
‘The Salisbury, Bangor, and Hereford missals add several interpolations which were appointed to be said at certain festivals of the blessed Virgin or services in her chapel. . . . Although Clichtoveus in his Elucidation (p. 137) says that these interpolations were appointed “secundum ecclesiae catholicae ritum,” it is highly probable that they were local introductions which by degrees crept into more general observance.  Two examples are given by Pamelius of other similar additions made to this most glorious hymn ; Liturg. tom. xi.
‘ “Gloria in excelsis” (says the old author of the Gemma animae) “solus sacerdos incipit, et chorus simul concinit : quia et solus angelus hoc incepit, et militia coelestis exercitus simul concinit.”  Cap. 93.’
‘Walafrid Strabo who suggests Telesphorus as the author of this hymn, and adds (as already quoted) “statutum ab eo ut ipse hymnus in capite missa diceretur et in summis festivita tibus a solis episcopis usurparetur,” further observes, “quamvis ille hymnus interdum ante missas diceretur, non fuisse tamen, quod jugiter in omnibus missis ab omnibus sacerdotibus ante lectiones poneretur antequam Celestinus antiphonas ad introitum dicendas instituit.”  See also Mabillon, Mus. Ital. tom. ii. p. 17.  But by the time when Micrologus wrote, in the eleventh century, the practice had become general for priests to say the hymn as well as bishops.  He further gives the reason, namely, that when the Te Deum was to be said at matins the Gloria was to be said at mass ; De ecc. observ. cap. 46.  This is the present rule, according to an order made by pope Pius the fifth [1504-1572].’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 36.

‘non dicitur Gloria in excelsis. . . . nec a lxx. usque ad vigiliam pasche’  Note however that the Gloria is sung on Maundy Thursday if the Bishop is present. (see p. 641.)

‘In nomine Patris. &.’  The celebrant would make the sign of the cross over the water.

‘Dominus vobiscum’
The direction of the turns is not indicated in the Sarum sources. 
ARchbishop Peter Goodrich, in a personal communication, 2023, suggests that when the Missal is on the right (south/Epistle) side of the altar (at the Collects and Postcommunions), the priest should turn to the right for the salutation, turning back to left for the prayers; conversely, when the Missal is on the left (north/Gospel) side of the altar (at the Secrets), the priest should turn to left for the salutation, turning back to right for the prayers, thus always turning in the direction of the Missal.
The practice among the Dominicans is, apparently, in turning to the west to turn to the right; on turning back to the east, to reverse direction and turn to the left.

‘. . . Per Dominum . . .’
‘The last words of the conclusion rest upon the  authority of St. Jude, who so ends his epistle : and are used in the primitive liturgies of St. James, St. Basil, St. Chrysostom, and the Clementine.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 42.

‘. . . quod septenarium numerum escedere non debent . . .
‘The number three, five, or seven, to one of which the number of collects was limited, was symbolical also of the earnest desire of the Church for unity, which is expressed by an uneven number.  Anciently only one collect was said, whence probably the name of it : because in one prayer many were collected together : in the Gelasian sacramentary the number is usually three.  Afterwards an excess happened in the other direction, and a rule was made that they should not be more than seven.  See Martene, de ant. ecc. ritibus, lib. i. cap. 4, who quotes Belethus and Durand.  The author of the Gemma animae says : “qui hunc numerum supergressus fuerit ut ceucus errabit.”  Cap. 116.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 42.

Post introitum vero misse . . .‘.  A rare use of ‘Introitum’ rather than ‘Officium’ in the Sarum Rite.  ‘. . . ad completorium prime collecte.‘,  Likewise a rare use of ‘collecte’ rather than ‘orationis’.

The Crawford Missal indicates the blessing of he Deacon before the reading of the Gospel, as does the Sherbrooke Missal. In the prined missals this is given only on the First Sunday of Advent.

Credo in unum Deum

There is no sign of the cross at the conclusion of the Creed.

Deinde dicitur offertorium’. This would normally be said without note by the priest while the choir sings the offertory. Interestingly, the rubric in the York Missal is ‘. . . et cantat cum suis ministris Offertorium.’, implying that the altar party joined in the singing of the offertory together with the choir. Whether this rubric was customarily literally followed is open to question.

Prayer. Suscipe Sancta Trinitas hanc oblationem

Ho peracto accipiat thuribulum . . . ‘. The Uses of York and Hereford do not appear to include incensation at this point.

V. Dirigatur Domine ad te (after Ps. 140:2)

Prayer. In spiritu humilitatis
The Sherbrooke Missal has a different form of this prayer.

Deinde vertat se sacerdos ad populum : et tacita voce dicat.’
The notion of saying the ‘Orate fratres’ silently seems inappropriate here. ‘tacita voce‘ perhaps is an indication to use a speaking voice rather than a singing voice. The Bologna Missal and the Morris Missal have ‘humili voce‘ (low–i. e. quiet–voice), as does the, not purely Sarum, Sherbrooke Missal.

The Dominican practice here is to turn to the right for ‘Orate’, and then to turn to the right again, to the altar, completing the circle.

‘. . . Orate fratres et sorores . . .’
‘The custom of saying “et sorores” is to be found in some very ancient missals ; but does not seem to have been at any time adopted into the Roman use.’, Maskel, The Ancient Liturgy: 98. Presumably ‘et sorores’ would be omitted on occasions where no females were present.

If there were only one other male, the text would be ‘Orate frater . . . patriterque tuum . . . ‘. If there were only one female, the text would be ‘. . . soror . . .’

Hostias et preces tibi

Deinde statim dicat conversus ad populum tacita voce . . .’. As above a low or quiet voice would seem suitable here.

‘. . . Orate fratres et sorores . . .’
The Sherbrooke Missal has a more extensive text here.
Again, ‘et sorores’ would persumably be omitted on occasions where no females were present.

Requiem eternam

‘Et tunc accipiat subdyaconus offertorium . . .’  The ‘offertorium’ is the Offertory-Veil in which the Subdeacon holds the paten from the conclusion of the prayer Offerimus, till the end of the Pater noster. (Pugin, Glossary of Ecclesiastical Ornament: 168.)  See also Rock, The Church of Our Fathers I:329-334.

In addition to the ‘ferial’ or daily Preface, the Sarum Ordinary contains the following proper prefaces:
–Lenten ferias
–Apostles and Evangelists
–Holy Cross
–Blessed Virgin Mary

The Sarum Preface music differs from the Roman forms in having a leap to C rather than a step to B in the concluding cadence.

The York Use includes another Preface for the days between Passion Sunday and Easter; Hereford appoints the same Preface from Palm Sunday to Easter.  Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 103.

‘(Prafationes.) So called, as being an introduction to the Canon or most solemn part of the service.  In the Greek church only one preface is used : anciently in the west there was a greater number than at present : about the twelfth century they were reduced to ten.  Pope Pelagius (in a letter to the bishops of Gaul, quoted by almost all the ritualists) enumerates nine prefaces only, proper to certain days.  These are mentioned in the Leofric missal, preserved in the Bodleian library, and I shall quote the passage, on account of the celebrity of that volume :–
Epistola Pelagii papae.  Pelagius sanctae Romanae ecclesiae episcopus novem praefationes tantum modo mandat esse ob servandas.  Unam in natale Domini.  Quia per incarnati verbi.  Aliam in quadragesima.  Qui corporali jejunio.  Tertiam in pascha.  Te quidem omni tempore.  Quartam in ascensione Domini.  Quintam in pentecoste.  Sextam de sancta Trinitate.  Septimam de sancta cruce.  Octavam de apostolicis.  Nonam pro defunctis.
‘To these a tenth was afterwards added in honour of the blessed Virgin, which is mentioned as to be used also in the English church, by the fourteenth canon of the synod of Westminster, A.D. 1175 ; quoting, but not as in the Leofric MS., the epistle of Pelagius. This (like the canon mentioned immediately below) prohibits any unauthorised addition. Wilkins, Concilia, tom. i. p. 478.
‘As to the epistle of Pelagius just cited I, must observe that cardinal Bona doubts its authenticity : his observations should be consulted : lib. ii. cap. 10.  And the very learned Stephen Baluze agrees with Bona : to which we must add that the epistle is rejected by Labbe and Cossart, Conc. tom. v. p. 931. . . .
‘The preface is of such great antiquity, occurring in the liturgy of St. James, and being spoken of by St. Cyprian, St. Cyril, and other fathers as of common use in their time, that we cannot attribute its introduction to any age later than the apostolic.
‘The twenty fifth of the canons made at Westminster or Canterbury in 1173 orders, “Non dicantur praefationes prater ea quae statuta sunt.”  Concil. tom. i. p. 475.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 104.

Dicitur etiam in missis de Corpore Christi.‘, ‘Dicitur etiam in commemoratione ejusdem.’  These two rubrics may be considered to mean the same thing or similar things.  Masses of Corpus Christi were frequently made on Thursdays as part of the weekly commemorative series.  They were also made as votive masses, especially those connected with fraternities and guilds dedicated to Corpus Christi. Commemorative masses may refer specifically to the weekly commemoration of the feast of the place in churches dedicated to Corpus Christi, such as Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (founded ca. 1352) and Corpus Christi College, Oxford (founded in 1517).
This preface is also said on the Feast of the Transfiguration (August 6), and on the Feast, octave days, votive masses and commemorative masses of the Most Sweet Name of Jesus (August 7).  It may have been in use as a weekly commemoration at Jesus College Cambridge (founded 1496), but not at Jesus College Oxford, which was founded in 1571, after the Sarum Use had been discontinued.

‘Quia per incarnati verbi . . . amorem rapimur.’  The prefaces for Nativity, Epiphany, Easter and Ascension share the same form, with inserted phrases proper to the season or feast.  Pentecost Trinity, Apostles, the Holy Cross and the Blessed Virgin have more individualized prefaces.  Ferias of lent has a short addition, after which it continues with the daily preface.

Hanc igitur
‘. . . sed et cuncte familie tue, quam tibi offerimus’ ‘”On behalf also of those whom Thou hast deigned to regenerate by water and the Holy Ghost, granting them remission of all their sins.”–’97, ’55 Missals.’, Pearson, The Sarum Missal:304.

Sequens prefatio dicitur in die Pasche . . .‘.  This preface is also said at hte Easter Vigil, as the continuation indicates.

‘. . . Et te in veneratione . . .’ ‘For use in daily masses of the B. V. M.’, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:39.

The ‘Sursum corda’ appears immediately before the daily (ordinary) Preface, rather than before the proper prefaces.
‘Per omnia secula seculorum.’  This is the conclusion of the Secret(s).

‘Properly the “per omnia specula saeculorum” is not the beginning of the preface but the conclusion of the secret.  But from the custom of the priest’s raising his voice here, and the preface immediately succeeding, the words not unnaturally though incorrectly would be looked upon as belonging to the preface.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 104.

Habemus ad Dominum’ (We have (lifted them up) to the Lord).

Daily Preface.

When the assembly kneels following the Sanctus it does so until the Pax (See Use of Sarum I: 304).

‘. . . This hymn as, also the “Gloria in excelsis” was in some churches defaced by interpolations : it is to these that archbishop Lanfranc alludes in his statutes, cap. 5, where he orders all to bow towards the altar during its recitation “nisi versus inter ponantur.”  Opera, p. 279.  See also Gerbert, de musica, tom, i. p. 445. . . .’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 108.

There seems to be no evidence in Sarum sources that might suggest delaying the singing of ‘Benedictus’ until the elevation.

The ‘Majestas’.
‘. . . we learn from Durandus . . . that some books had, besides the crucifix, a picture of the Father in majesty : and that some priests were accustomed to kiss the feet of that figure as well as of the crucified Lord. (Rationale Divin. Offic. iv. 35, 153.) This ‘majesty’ was the Father Almighty, represented, like the prophet Daniel’s “Ancient of Days,” as an awe-awakening old man, arrayed in alb, stole, and cope, and crowned with the papal tiara. In his left hand he held the mound, or globe of empire : and, with his outstretched right, he bestowed his benediction.’ Rock, The Church of Our Fathers IV:176.
The Father is flanked by angels (singing ‘Holy holy holy’). Symbols of the four evangelists occupy the corners. (cf. Apoc. 4:6-9, Ezech. 1:5-11.)

The Crucifixion. Jesus, nailed to the cross, is flanked by the blessed Virgin and St. John the Evangelist. Above is affixed the initials I.N.R.I. (Iesus Nazarenus Rex Iudaeorum], Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews. To the left and right are the sun and moon. In the background is the city of Jerusalem.
‘. . . many, if not all, our English priests used to kiss the figure of Christ our Lord, in the illumination which is to be found just before the canon in almost all hand-written, and engraved in every printed, missal. This is ordered in a rubric just before the canon of the mass, in a Sarum manual,–a manuscript of the middle of the fifteenth century, now in my hands. “Immediate ante Sc’s [Sanctus], elevet manus manus et paulatim eas dimittendo et iungendo cum dicit Benedictus, suam signet faciem. Deinde osculetur pedes crucifixi, vel librum. Deinde inclinet se toto corpore dicens, Adoramus te, Christe, et benedicimus tibi quia per crucem tuam redem,isti mundum, miserere nostri qui passus es pro nobis.”.’, Rock, The Church of Our Fathers IV:175.

The Sherbrooke Missal (not purely Sarum), includes the following rubric: ‘Hic sacerdos inclinato capie et corpore demisso dicat Te igitur. usque et [sic!] petimus. et sic erigat se dicens que sequuntur.

The Canon
The initial letter, T, is designed also as a figure of the crucifixion. The Canon is often printed in larger type, as here, both in honour of its central importance, and to facilitate accurate recitation.
‘”Vel,” originally a rubric which has crept into the text’, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:43.  Maskell, Ancient Liturgy:124. provides an extensive note here.

‘. . . papa . . . antistite . . . rege . . .’  The proper names in each instance are to be added in the ablative case, e.g. ‘rege nostro Carolo’.  In the case of a queen, ‘regina nostra’ should be used. e.g. ‘regina nostra Elizabetha’.

Memento Domine famulorum
‘among those other saints . . . he enumerated that one whose body lay enshrined in the church wherein he was then offering up the holy sacrifice.  Of this latter rite, we are told by Matthew Paris, in his life of Abbot William, who got this privilege from Pope Innocent III. in the council of Lateran. (‘ Abbas (S. Albani), erectus in medio, satis modeste et eleganter exorsus est, coram Papa et toto Concilio, suam sic in propatulo qusestionem:—” Sancte Pater, nos qui alicujus Sancti corpus in ecclesiis habere dinoscimur, licetne nobis in Secrete Missse, inter alios quos invocamus Suffragatores, nomen ipsius recitare ?  Desideramus super hoc certificari . . .” Ad quod, in audientia omnium, respondens Papa . . . dixit; ‘^ Videtur mihi dignum, jurique consonum, ut devote in Secrete Missse (videlicet, in serie prime nominatorum), Sanctus, cujus corpore aliqua gratulatur  ecclesia, nomen, eiusque suffragium in loco suo proprio merita
postuletur.”—Vitae S. Albani Abb., 76  [R.S., xxviii. i. 261, 262].)’,  Rock, The Church of Our Fathers IV:179.
According to Cautel 6, the recitation of particular names is to be not vocal but mental.

Proper forms of this section are found above, together with the proper Prefaces.  The proper forms are for Christmas etc., Epiphany, Ferias of Lent, Easter Octave, Ascension, and Pentecost.

‘In primis ejusdem gloriose semper virginis Marie gentricis ipsius . . .’   ‘. . . ejusdem . . . genitricis ipsius . . .’ appears only at Christmas etc.; only ‘. . . genitricis ejusdem . . .’ at Epiphany, ferias of Lent, Easter Octave and Ascension, and neither word at Pentecost, and and other occasions.

‘It will be noticed that while Judas Iscariot is naturally omitted from this list of the twelve Apostles ; St. Paul, and not St. Matthias, takes his place, and is named next to St. Peter.’, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:43.  (But note that the name Matthias does appear in the invocation of the saints that follows the consecration, 1178.)

Hanc igitur
Additional texts for ferias of Lent, Easter, and Pentecost are found above, together with the proper Prefaces and Communicantes.

Quam oblationem
Hi faciat tres cruces super utrumque . . .‘  It would seem that there would be made three crosses over both together, not three separate crosses over the bread and three over the wine.

‘The elevation of the host before consecration is a peculiarity of the Anglican ritual (Sarum, York, and Hereford Uses,)–see Simmons, T. F. Lay Folks Mass Book, London, 18

79, p. 283.’  But this ‘elevation’ is not necessarily any more than taking the bread in his hands, in imitation of the words that follow.  Legg, The Sarum Missal:222. gives an alternate reading from  ‘M’, a Sarum Missal formerly in the possession of William Morris: ‘elevet hostiam parvum ab altari‘. (Cairncross, Ritual Notes #509 indicates that the  priest ‘lifts the bread slightly above the corporal’.)  It is certainly not to be compared with the lifting ‘above his forehead’ which happens after the consecration of the Bread.  Nevertheless it is true that the Roman form omits this rubric (Maskell, Ancient Liturgy (1882):133.

Qui pridie quam pareretur
According to Adrian Fortescue, The Mass: A Study of the Roman Liturgy (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1914):99, ‘the introduction to the words of institution, which in both the Roman and Gallican rites is : “Qui pridie quam pateretur,” whereas most Eastern liturgies have the form : “In the night in which he was betrayed”.

‘. . . et elevatis oculis in celum . . .’
‘Some editions of the Sarum manual which give the canon of the mass have here the following rubric : “Hic erigat sacerdos manus et conjungat et postea tergat digitos, et elevet hostiam parumper, ita quod non videatur a populo, et sic debet tenere quousque dixerit verba consecrationis : quia si ante consecrationem elevetur et populo ostendatur, sacerdotes sicut fatui faciunt populum idolatrare, adorando panem purum tanquam corpus Christi, et in hoc peccat.  Et sacerdos debet praecipue in hoc loco congregare seipsum ad se ; scilicet cor ad verba diligenter attendendum et os ad distincte proferendum, ut ab hoc loco, videlicet, Qui pridie usque ibi Unde et memores, nullae aliae rei attendat, nullaque dictio nullaque syllaba evadat, nihil de forma verborum vel signo rum omittat vel diminuat.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 132.

Hic tangat hostiam . . . ‘
The host is not broken into separate pieces here, but the verb ‘tangat’ may suggest a slight fracture of the host at this point.
‘ “Hic non debet tangi hostia modo fractionis, sicut aliqui fatui tangunt et male faciunt. Videtur tamen ex ordine ver borum quod prius debet frangi quam consecrari cum dicat, benedixit fregit : per haec verba videtur quod prius est fractio quam consecratio.  Sed ecclesia prius consecrat quam frangit : sic aliter facit ecclesia quam Christus fecit ; et sic ecclesia videtur errare et per consequens delinquit.  Solutio.  Dicendum est quod ecclesia non delinquit ; quia Christus post consecrationem et benedictionem fregit ; licet ordo ver borum aliter sonat.”, Manuale Sarum.
‘The elevation of the host at this time, before consecration, was a rite peculiar to the churches of Sarum, Bangor, and York.  The Hereford rubric does not order an elevation ; nor has it been admitted into the Roman use.  There is a very proper and obvious reason why elevation should not be ordered before consecration ; ill taught people among the laity might naturally fall into the error of untimely adoration.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 134.

‘Hoc est enim corpus meum.’ (Mat. 26:26-27; Mark 14:22; Luke 22:19; I Cor. 11:24).
‘ “Haec conjunctio enim non est de substantia formae sed de bene esse unde non debet omitti.  Aliud namque est forma necessaria ; aliud est forma debita.” Lyndwood, lib. 3. tit. 23.  Ad excitandos verb. consecratione.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 134.

‘Post hec verba inclinet se sacerdos ad hostiam . . . ‘
‘ “. . . After the reconciliation with Rome in the reign of Queen Mary there is a further addition in the missal, as printed in 1554–for the first time in any service book printed in England–of the words ‘et capite inclinato illam adoret.’ ” Canon Simmons, note to Layfolks mass book, p. 283.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 136.  This addition is in fact found in the latest Sarum Manuals, not the Missals.

‘Hic est enim calix . . . remissionem peccatorum.’. (Mat. 26:28; Luke 22:20; 1 Cor. 11:25).

‘. . . et postea elevet eam supra frontem ut possit a populo videri . . .’
‘The precise time when the elevation just after the consecration got into use in England,
is not known; we learn, however, from various sources, that the thirteenth century is, most likely, the period which saw its first adoption here.  In a synod held under Archbishop Stephen Langton, at Oxford (A.D. 1222), it was decreed that the laity should be continually urged to genuflect when the Blessed Sacrament was carried by, and also at the elevation of the host in the consecration of the mass (Frequenter moneantur laici, ut ubicunque videant Corpus Domini deferri, statim genua flectant tanquam Creatori et Rede mptori suo; et junctis manibus, quousque transierit, orent humiliter, et hoc maxime fiat tempore consecrationis in elevatione hostise, quum panis in verum corpus Christi transformatur, et id, quod est in calice, in sui sanguinem mystica benedictione transformatur.—Wilkins, Concil., i. 594.)  :  and Hugh Patshull, bishop of Lichfield (A.D. 1240), gave similar directions, in one of his statutes for his cathedral. (Quando elevatur corpus Christi adoret stando, quo dimisso prosternat se chorus.—Dugdale, Mon, Anglic, viii. 1259.)  Whether, at that period, the chalice also used to be elevated, as well as the host, is not quite clear; and, from the wording of the two quotations just cited, it would seem it was not.’, Rock, The Church of Our Fathers IV:181.
‘John Becon in the Reformation time, attacking the Mass, says that if the celebrant did not elevate high enough, “the rude people of the countrey in diverse parts of England will crye out to the priest: houlde up Sir John, houlde up. Heave it a little higher.” It was apparently this desire to see the elevation that caused the custom of ringing the bell–at first to call people from without to see it. The server at Low Mass rang a little bell through the low side-window just before the elevation, that people might enter the church in time. The Roman Ordines have nothing about ringing a bell at the elevation ; though they contain the notice that Church bells are not to be rung after the Gloria on Maundy Thursday. But Ivo of Chartres († 1115) mentions a bell at the elevation, apparently the great bell of the church. Durandus says “at the elevation of both (kinds) a little bell (squilla) is rung”. A middle sized one (Sanctus bell, Sance bell) was rung at the Sanctus. This was hung up, often in a little bell-cote in the roof, so that it could be heard outside, and was rung with a rope which hung down to near the server’s place. Then there was as little handbell (the sacring bell) like the ones we still use for the elevation. The Synod of Exeter in 1287 ordered that there should be in every church “campanella deferenda ad infirmos et ad elevationem corporis Christi”. Besides this the great bell of the church was to be tolled when the sacred Host was raised, to let those who were in the fields know the moment of the consecration. So in inventories of churches in Edward VI’s reign there are three kinds of bells, the great church bells, the sance bell, and the sacring-bell. (Wilkins : Concilia ii, 139 ; Rock : op. cit. iv, p 179.)’ Adrian Fortescue, The Mass: A Study of the Roman Liturgy (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1914):341.
‘On hearing the sacring bells first tinkle, those in church who were not already on their knees knelt down, and, with upraised hands, worshipped their Maker in the holy housel lifted on high before them.’, Rock, The Church of Our Fathers IV:183.
‘. . . In the year 1556 one of the injunctions issued by cardinal Pole was directed against the neglect of old practices and the consequent irreverence which had spread amongst the people during the wild times of Edward the sixth : “Item that all parisheners shall at the time of elevation reverentlie knele in souche places of the churche, where they maie both see and worshippe the blessed sacrament, not lurking behinde pillars, or holdinge downe their heads, or otherwise unreverently behavinge themselves at that time in especiall.”  Concil. tom. iv. p. 147.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 136.
‘No mention of the elevation is made by the early ritualists, Alcuin, or Amalarius, or Walafrid Strabo, or Micrologus ; nor is there any allusion to it in the old ordines Romani, or the sacramentaries of Gelasius or Gregory.  It is commonly said that the first order was based upon the decree of the council of Lateran (about transubstantiation) under Innocent III.  But there is no doubt that in some churches elevation was already the practice.  It is not proved by the passage from Ivo Carnotensis which cardinal Bona cites, lib. 2. xiij. 2, because Ivo does not even speak of it ; but the following canon seems clear which Georgius, de liturg. pont. tom. iii. 72, has brought forward.  A council at Paris A.D. 1188 ordered thus : “Praecipitur presbyteris, ut cum in canone missae incoeperint, qui pridie quam pateretur, tenentes hostiam, ne elevent eam statim nimis alte, ita quod possit ab omnibus videri a populo, sed quasi ante pectus detineant, donec dixerint, Hoc est corpus meum ; et tunc elevent eam, ut possit ab omnibus videri.”  The same author cites one or two others of about the same date.  See also Durant de ritibus, lib. ii. cap. 40, and Durand, lib. iv. cap. 41, and Sala’s notes to Bona, tom. iii. p. 383.
‘The canon of the council of Paris, above, has reference to a practice which about the thirteenth century was common in some places, for the priest to elevate before he had finished the words of consecration.  The synod of Exeter A.D. 1287, has a canon upon this point : “Quia vero per haec verba, Hoc est enim corpus meum, et non per alia, panis transubstantiatur in corpus Christi, prius hostiam non levet sacerdos donec ista plene protulerit verba, ne pro creatore creatura a populo veneretur.”  The canon goes on to explain what is to be done immediately after the consecration : “Hostia autetn ita levetur in altum, ut a fidelibus circumstantibus valeat intueri ; per hoc enim fidelium devotio excitatur, et fidei men tum suscipiat incrementum.”  Then follows a caution, which would not be always out of place now- a-days, against a style of exaggerated reverence which is rather an irreverence : “parochiani vero solicite exhortentur, ut in elevatione cor poris Christi non irreverenter se inclinent, sed genua flectant et creatorem suum adorent omni devotione et reverentia.” Concilia. tom. ii. p. 132.
‘At this time the sacring bell was rung : how much oftener in the service in mediaeval times it is not possible to decide.  The English canons refer only, so far as I remember, to the ringing after the consecration.  For example, a synod at Worcester in 1240 : “Cum autem in celebratione missa2 corpus Domini per manus sacerdotum in altum erigitur, campanella pulsetur.”  Concil. tom. i. p. 667.  The usual practice of the Roman Catholic Church in England is to ring thrice at the sanctus, once at the words “Hanc igitur oblationem.” three times at the elevation of the host, three times at the elevation of the chalice, and three times at the Domine non sum dignus.
‘The bell to be rung according to the order of archbishop Peckham’s constitution was the bell which was fixed outside the church, commonly over the gable of the chancel : “In elevatione corporis Christi ab una parte ad minus pulsentur campanae ; ut populares, qui celebrationi missarum non valeant interesse, ubicunque fuerint, sive in agris, sive in domibus, flectant genua.”  On which Lyndwood observes : “Campanae.  Non intelligas de pluribus illo tempore simul pulsandis in una ecclesia, quia sufficit unam sonari.  Et haec pulsatio fieri debet de campanis illis quae longius possent audiri, quod satis patet per rationem quae sequitur ;” lib. iii. tit. 21, verb. campanae.  We might probably conclude from this that Lyndwood objected to the use of the small bell over the chancel if there were larger bells in the tower.  But the practice, almost beyond doubt, would be against his objection ; and for one very common reason, namely, the tone of the “sacring bell” would be well known and the purpose of ringing it easily recognised.
‘In the British museum among the Harleian manuscripts (no. 955) is a volume of occasional prayers, collects, antiphons, &c.  There are in it many indulgences granted to the monastery of Sion, to which the book formerly belonged ; and one of them is this : “Also he that saith at sakering time this prayer : Ave verum corpus natum ex Maria virgine : vere passum immolatum in cruce pro homine : cujus latus perforatum vero fluxit sanguine : esto nobis praegustatum mortis in examine.  O clemens.  O pie.  O dulcis Jesu fili Mariae, nobis peccatoribus quaesumus miserere.  Amen. he schall haue .CCC. daies of pardon.” Lyndwood tells us that he used this prayer.
‘The reader cannot but observe that the above is in a rhyming metre : but I have not altered the arrangement of the manuscript.  It is a famous antiphon : and sometimes is found with variations especially “Cujus latus perforatum,
Unda fluxit et sanguine.” ‘, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 137.

‘. . . et postea elevet eam supra frontem . . .’
‘ “Et caveat ne nimis diu teneat eam nec aliquo modo corpus Christi osculetur, nec super oculos ponat, sicut solent quidam stulti facere, nec aliquam partem corporis ullo modo tangere debet, nisi tantum digitis ad hoc specialiter consecratis.”  Manuale Sar.‘, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 139.

‘. . . ut possit a populo videri . . .’
‘ “Moneantur laici, quod reverenter se habeant in consecratione eucharistiae, et flectant genua ; maxime in tempore illo, quando, post elevationem eucharistiae, hostia sacra dimittitur.”  Concilium Dunelmense, A.D. 1220.  “Cum autem in celebratione missae corpus Domini per manus sacerdotum in altum erigitur, campanella pulsetur, ut per hoc devotio torpentium excitetur, ac aliorum charitas fortius inflammetur.”  Constit. W. de Cantilup. Wigorn. episc. A.D. 1240.  “Sacerdos vero quilibet frequenter doceat plebem suam, ut cum in celebratione missarum elevatur hostia salutaris, se reverenter inclinet.”  Stat. synod. Norvic. episc. A.D. 1257.  “In elevatione vero ipsius corporis Domini pulsetur campana in uno latere ut, populares, quibus celebrationi missarum non vacat quotidie interesse, ubicunque fuerint, seu in agris, seu in domibus, flectant genua.”  Constit. Joh. Peckham, A.D. 1281.  “Hostia autem ita levetur in altum, ut a fidelibus circumstantibus valeat intueri.” Synodus Exon. A.D. 1287.  These are but a few out of many orders to the like effect which might be collected from the Concilia.  See also Lyndwood, Provinciale, lib. iii. tit. 23, Altissimus.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 140.

‘. . . et accipiens et hunc . . .’
‘ “Adde etiam quod unus idemque calix est, quem Christus post coenam consecravit, et quem nunc ecclesia consecrat : nisi enim unus idemque foret, in canone (ait Odo Cameracensis) non diceretur, Simili modo . . . et hunc praeclarum calicem,” &c.  Angelo Rocca, Opera, tom. i. p. 16.  Compare also the Gemma animae : “Idem calix est in mysterio quem Christus in manibus tenuit, quamvis in materia metalli alius sit ;”  cap. 106.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 141.

‘effundetur.  The present tense “is shed” in the Anglican rite corresponds to the old Gallican “effunditur” in the Sacramentarium Gallicanum.  Mabillon, Museum Italicum, Tom. I, p. 280; and to the present tense used here in the Byzantine Rite, and in other Eastern Liturgies.  Brightman (F. E.) Eastern Liturgies, pp. 328, 52, 133, etc.’, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:45.

Hic elevet calicem . . .’
‘There was a variety of practice as to elevating the chalice, covered or uncovered.  It would seem that the use of the English church was to elevate uncovered.  Durand says, “Et est notandum quod quaedam ecclesiae duas habent pallas corporales, et ibi elevatur calix coopertus cum altera earum. . . . Aliae vero ecclesiae unam tantum habent pallam, et ibi elevatur discoopertus absque velamine ;” lib. iv. cap. 42. 30.  St Anselm speaks upon the question in his reply to Walerannus : who had complained of the usage contrary to that of his own church (Newemburgh).  “Quod vero nonnulli” (says the archbishop of Canterbury) “ab initio calicem operiunt, quidam corporali, alii panno complicato propter custodiam immunditiae ; nec nudum dimittunt calicem, sicut Christus nudus crucifixus est, ut sicut significatis, ostenderet se mundo revelatum : non magis intelligo eos debere reprehendi propter nuditatem Christi, quae non significant (sic) ab illis in sacrificando ; quam quia non demonstrant in eodem sacrificio, eum esse crucifixum extra civitatem, extra domum, et sub nudo coelo. . . . Neque conjectare possum cur potius curandum sit, ne panno operiatur sacrificium, quia Christus nudus passus est ; quam ne sub tecto, vel intra civitatem fiat, quoniam Christus sub nudo ccelo extra civitatem passus est.  Si autem usus non habet, ut extra tectum fiat propter perturbationes aeris : simili causa videtur ut calix in sacrificando non discooperiatur, propter quasdam quae contingere possunt incommoditates.  Tutius itaque et diligentius puto ut calix, ne aut musca, aut aliquid indecens in illum cadat (quod saepe contigisse cognovimus) operiatur : quia discoopertus contingentibus immunditiis exponatur.”  Opera, p. 139.  Hence it would seem that in St. Anselm’s time the custom of England was different from that of after years, unless the church of Canterbury varied in this respect from the churches of Salisbury, York, &c.  But we must not forget that the archbishop was not deciding the question.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 142.

Hic reponat calicem . . .
‘ “Et fricet digitos suos ultra calicem propter micas, et cooperiat calicem.” Manuale Sar.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 144.

‘. . . deinde elevet brachia sua in modum crucis junctum digitis . . .’
This gesture is a distinctive feature of the Sarum, Hereford and Dominican rites; it does not appear in the York or Roman rites.  It is shown at the Use of Sarum Facebook Page.
The Bologna Missal has ‘. . . extendit brachia ad modum crucifixi . . .‘ indicating more precisely how the priest imitates the body of Christ on the cross. It also specifies for the fingers, ‘. . . junctis pollice cum indice . . .‘.

Unda et memores

‘hostiam pu + ram : . . .’
‘. . . The number of crosses made during the mass according to the rubrics of the old English uses was somewhat large : and they are as many at least in number according to the present use of the Roman catholic church.  Beyond question there were not so many in primitive times nor in the centuries which immediately followed.  They gradually increased ; and we ought to believe that, equally beyond question, none was added without what was supposed to be a proper reason and sufficient symbolical meaning.  Amalarius, writing in the ninth century, says, “Caeterum de crucibus quas solemus diverse modo facere super panem et vinum non est quid dicam, cur tali et in tali loco figantur, vel quare plures in aliquo vel pauciores in aliquo.  Si Dominus quando benedixit panem fecisset crucis signaculum, ipsi norunt qui praesentes fuerunt, praesertim cum nondum erat erectum vexillum sanctae crucis.”  De eccl. off. lib. 3. cap. 24.  The editor puts in the margin as a side note, “de crucibus cur et quot fiant in sacrificio, non est curiose disceptandum.”  Amalarius presently continues, ” Videtur mihi si semel fuerit facta crux super panem et vinum posse sufficere, quia Dominus semel crucifixus est.  Non ab re est si bis figatur, quia pro duobus populis fixus est Christus.”
‘In examining early manuscripts the absence of many of the crosses which are found in missals of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries must often be remarked.  Whether some others were signed, nevertheless, in the actual celebration-the priest recollecting what should be done instead of referring to his book–must remain doubtful.  It cannot be denied that the further we go back the shorter and fewer are all the rubrics, and the priest left more in dependence on his memory of the proper rites or ceremonies.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 144.

[Urquhart, A Careful Conjecture, would seem to be in error at this point, in saying ‘separating his thumb and forefinger’.]

‘”justi.” The justi are among the classes of saints sometimes commemorated or invoked in Western Liturgies and Litanies.’, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:46.

cancellatis manibus‘  ‘i.e. lattice-wise.’ Warren, The Sarum Missal I: 47.  ‘The expression may here mean simply “with clasped hands,” . . . ‘  W. H. Rich Jones, ed., Vetus registrum Sarisberiense (London: Longman & Co., 1883): 154.  ‘and crossing his fingers‘, Charles Walker, The Liturgy of the Church of Sarum (London: J. Y. Hayes, 1866):68.

In  Statera Sacra Missam Juxta Ritum Ordine Praedicatorum (Naples, 1696):375. we find ‘ Quo attinet ad ritum, quo a Romano differimus, cancellatis manibus, hanc exhibendi inclinationem, (quae unica, ex quinque olim in usu, reliqua est,) non fuit nostrorum inventum.  Ambrosianus enim, ac Carthusiensis, qui nostrum precesserunt, idem praescribunt ; Ambrosiano sic jubente : inclinet se versus Sacrificium manibus in modum Crucis positis ; Carthusiensi vero sic ; Ad, supplices, cancellatis manibus ita quod sinistra sit inferior, & junctis digitis, quibus Hostiam tenuit, inclinatur ante faciem Altaris.  Et fortasse tempore Durandi communis eum praxis commendabat, postmodum proscripta, ut reverentiae Sacramenti omnino consuleretur, manibus intra Corporale continuo retentis.  Nam lib. 4. c. 44. indefinite ille sic loquitur : considerari etiam oportet, quod Sacerdos discendo, Supplices, stat inclinatus, cancellatis manibus ante pectus.

In Timothy Cunningham, A New and Complete Law Dictionary, I:1783, we find ‘Cancellare manus, to cancellate the hands, that is to lay them traverse, or a-cross one another, as the poor children on the foundation of Queen’s College Oxon. do attend the provost and fellows at table, manibus cancellatis, with their hands leaning a-cross on the one side of the table.  Extendit collum genu flectendo, cancellatis manibus super pectus suum, ita decollatur.  Clem. de Maydestan, de Martyrio  Ric. Scrope Archiep. Ebor. apud Whartoni Angl. Sacr. p. 2. p. 373.

Apparently not the same as ‘cancellatis manibus incurvari‘ ‘idest, una manu in modum Crucis super aliam posita.’, Onomasticon Sacrum (Rome, 1764):59.

cancellatis manibus‘ is found at this location also in the Cologne Missal, 1487 (unpaged).

Supplices te rogamus

‘. . . per manus sancti angeli tui . . .’
‘There is a great variety of opinion upon the meaning of this passage in this very ancient prayer.  Pope Innocent has said well : “tantae sunt profunditatis haec verba, ut nulla acies humani ingenii tanta sit, ut ea penetrare possit.”  And again, according to another great pope, quoted also by the ritualists : “quis enim fidelium habere dubium possit in ipsa immolationis hora ad sacer dotis vocem coelos aperiri, in illo Jesu Christi mysterio an gelorum choros adesse, summis ima sociari, terrena coelestibus jungi,” &c.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 147.

Hic signet se in facie . . .’
It is not entirely clear how large this cross is intended to be.  The Roman rubrics have ‘. . . seipsum signat.‘; Hereford has ‘. . . signet seipsum.’  Compare ‘. . . in fronte . . .’ at the beginning of the Breviary offices.

Hi percutiet pectus suum semle dicens,
This action should be done using the three last fingers of the right hand together, while keeping the thumb and index finger joined to one another, and not touching the vestment. The Bologna Missal indicates ‘. . . aliquantulum alcius . . .’, so only a small stroke, high up. The left hand may meanwhile be placed on the altar.

Nobis quoque peccatoribus.
‘The English rubrics do not specify this alteration of voice [‘elata parum voce‘, found in the Roman Mass] which applies only to the first three words, but it was very anciently observed as Micrologus, cap. xvij, and Amalarius, lib. iii.cap. 26, both remark.  Bede, whose testimony is important, alludes to it as the usual practice in his day in the English church ; tract in Luc.  Pope Innocent, lib. v. Myster. missae, cap. xij. and Durand, lib. iv. cap. 46, mention the striking the breast.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 150.

‘. . . cum Johanne Stephano . . .’
‘The martyrs, whose names are especially commemorated here, are not of one but of several classes.  Evangelists, deacons, apostles, disciples, bishops, popes, priests, exorcists, the married and the virgin states, are all included.  The only name which requires a remark is that of St. John : many ritualists explain that it refers to St. John the baptist, who is especially commemorated in this place in the liturgies of St. Basil and St. Chrysostom.  On the other hand the opinion given in the Gemma animae (lib. i. cap. 107) seems the most reasonable, that the evangelist St. John is meant.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 150.

‘. . . et facitat signaculum crucis hum hostia quinquies . . .’
This is done with the right hand; the left hand may steady the base ofhe chalice.
With reference to the first and fourth crosses, the action ‘ultra calicem ex utraque parte’ (‘beyond the chalice from side to side’) is clarified by the Roman text (Maskell:153): ‘a labio ad labium’, that is from lip to lip of the cup; thus, above the chalice, a horizontal cross from east to west and then from north to south, extending beyond the rim of the chalice in each direction.  The second and third crosses, ‘calici equale’ and ‘infra calicem’ indicate ‘on a level with the chalice’ and ‘below (or lower down) the chalice’.  Fr. Chadwick, in his Sarum Training Video:22:23, makes the second as a small horizontal cross on a level with the rim of the chalice, and the third as a smaller horizontal cross slightly within the chalice itself, that is, below the rim of the chalice.  Referring again to the Roman rubrics, ‘signat cum hostia ter a labio ad labium calicis’, the implication is that the second and third crosses are made in the same way as the first, that is, horizontal crosses.  Indeed this progressive gesture which gives an increasing proximity of the Body to the Blood seems to reflect the three prepositions, ‘through’, ‘with’, and ‘in’ of the text, the third gesture being inside the bowl of the chalice itself.  It should be noted that this interpretation is supported by the later instruction at the peace: ‘Hic faciat tres cruces infra calicem tertia parte hostie . . .’
Concerning the fifth and final cross, earlier sources provide some clarification: In the Rylands-24, ‘Quinto : incipiens in medio calicis, et perficiens ante calicem : corpore Domini ibidem reposito.‘ Morris Missal, ‘. . . quinto in medio calicis incipiet et compleat signaculum ante calicem et ibi deponat hostiam.’ These indicate that the fifth cross is made in front of the chalice, above the location where the host will be replaced on the altar.
[Fr. Chadwick makes the fifth cross horizontally, similar to the fourth but, in the space above and to the west of the chalice.]
In Use of Sarum-Bishop’s Mass with Lenten Array:37:00, Bishop James makes the fifth cross in a vertical manner.
The Roman rubrics indicate, ‘inter calicem et pectus’, ‘between the chalice and the breast.]

The Canon of the Mass properly concludes with this ‘Per omnia secula seculorum.  R. Amen.’  preceding the Lord’s prayer.  Nevertheless the Sarum books typically continue the large type until the end of the ablutions, and likewise also maintain ‘Canon’ in the header up to that point.  (The exact boundaries of the Canon of the Mass were not always precisely defined.)

The Bologna Missal indicates ‘manus teneat super altare usque Pater noster. et tunc elevet manus.

‘. . . discoopertam teneat. . . .’
‘The reason why it was now held uncovered is stated in the rubric of the modern Paris missal that the people might know that the time of communicating was close at hand.  One of the prayers in the Salisbury pontifical at the consecrating of a paten refers to this especial use of it : “Consecrare digneris hanc patenam in administrationem eucharistiae.” See the office in the Monumenta ritualia, vol. i. p. 175.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 155.
See also Shawn Tribe, ‘Liturgical Notes on Ceremonial Variations in the Use of the Paten in the Latin Liturgical Rites‘, Liturgical Arts Journal, May 17, 2021.

Pater noster
‘Very anciently the people joined with the priest here in repeating aloud the whole of the Lord’s prayer.  This is clear from a passage in St. Gregory of Tours : “factum est autem cum dominica oratio diceretur, haec aperto ore coepit sanctam orationem cum reliquis decantare.”  He is relating a miracle worked in the case of a deaf woman : de mirac. S. Martini, I. ii. c. 30.  This continued in the Gallic churches up to about the eleventh century : for Ivo Carnotensis observes that by these words “Praceptis salutaribus” &c. the priest exhorts the people to repeat this prayer with him.  In the earliest ages the use of the Lord’s prayer was allowed only to those who had been baptized : and in the old Ordo Romanus it was taught upon the fourth day after the fourth sunday in lent to all who were about to be admitted to communion on the easter eve.  See Bona, tom. iii. p. 324.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 155.

Libera nos quesumus
‘This expansion of the last petition in the Pater Noster is known as the Embolismus.’, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:49.
According to the Catholic Encyclopedia, ‘Embolism’, ‘During the Middle Ages the provincial churches and religious orders added the names of other saints, their founders, patrons, etc., according to the discretion of the celebrant. (see MICROLOGUS)’

‘. . . et sacerdos deosculetur patenam . . .’
It appears that in the Use of Sarum the priest kisses the paten before making the sign of the cross with it.
In the Bologna Missal the sign of the cross is made at the words ‘ut ope misericordie tue adjuti’.

‘When the prest taketh the patent, and toucheth the hoost, and kysseth it & saith, Da pacem, remember the pease betwen God & man which our saviour did meryte for us in his gloriouse deth, reconsilynge us to his eternall father ; and that is signifyed by the kysse of the prest : and here note, the prest kisseth thre tymes ; first the patent of the chalice, as it is seid, signifyeng the pease bitwen gode and man ; second, the chalice betokenyng the pese in mannes soule ; thrid the pease [i.e. the pax] signifyeing the pease bitwen man and man : and lyk as in the deth of our savyour thies thre peases wor given to man, so by the meryte of the seid deth in every oblacion of the masse, every person that disposeth hymself therto may have the seid thre graces of these : therfor remytt & forgive all displesures and dispose yourself at every masse at thins tyme in a charitabl, contrite, and clene hart, to receive your lorde spiritually by his grace.” MS. Harl. 494. f. 69.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 156.

‘. . . et frangat . . .
‘(Et frangat.) i.e. Corpus ; as it is expressed with equal plainness in the Hereford use.  The Ambrosian missal has a form still stronger than the old rubrics of the English church : “Corpus tuum frangitur, Christe calix benedicitur.”  These expressions undeniably touch upon some of the most mysterious of all Roman catholic doctrines connected with the blessed eucharist ; and at one time efforts were made to alter the wording of the Milan liturgy.  But no less undeniable is the truth as expressed in the well known hymn, Lauda Sion salvatorem :–

“Fracto demum sacramento,
Ne vacilles, sed memento
Tantum esse sub fragmento
Quantum toto tegitur.
Nulla rei fit scissura
Signi tantum fit fractura
Qua nee status nee statura
Signati minuitur.”

The Bologna Missal has a curious rubric here: ‘. . . et assumat eukaristiam et frangat eam ultra calicem in tres partes set videat ne frangat crucem in hostia . . .’. Is this a warning not to break a symbol of the cross marked on the host?

‘The hostiam of the Roman rubric means and can only mean exactly what is meant by “corpus” in the old English rubrics.  The explanation of the terms is given by Benedict XIV. in his work upon the mass : namely that by “frangitur corpus Christi” we are to understand “franguntur species ;” lib. ii. cap. 23.
‘Compare the rubric in the Sarum office for Good Friday ; when, after the bringing back to the altar the host which had been reserved in the sepulchre, the priest is thus directed : “Deinde dicat, Libera nos, quaesumus, et Da propitius.  In qua oratione dum dicitur per eundem, frangat corpus Domini sicut solet fieri caeteris diebus.” ‘, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 158.

Hic teneat duas fracturas in sinistra manu . . .‘. Here the Morris Missal instructs the two parts to be replaced on the paten: ‘Tunc duas partes eukaristie super patenam ponat . . .‘.

‘Per omnia secula seculorum.’
This ending marks the conclusion of the consecration.

When the Prayers in Prostration are used, the Pax Domini (or the Episcopal benediction) follows.

Episcopal benediction
When used, the Episcopal benediction takes the place of the usual Pax Domini, and is followed by the Agnus Dei.

‘After this and before the “Pax domini” the ancient episcopal benedictions were given.  An account of them may be seen in the ritualists, although they no longer are used in the Roman catholic church . . .
‘According to the Mozarabic missal priests were allowed to give this benediction : and the eighteenth canon of the fourth council of Toledo insists on their doing so : “Nonnulli sacerdotes post dictam orationem dominicam statim communicant et postea benedictionem populo dant : quod deinceps interdicimus : sed post orationem dominicam, benedictio in populum sequatur.”  Mabillon says that the same permission existed very anciently in the Gallic liturgy ; De lit. Gall. lib. i. 4. 13.  . . .
‘The episcopal benedictions during mass are not unfrequently alluded to in ancient documents.  For example in the year 1309 a solemn mass was celebrated before the opening of the council of London : “Et est sciendum quod Norwicensis, qui celebravit missam dedit, solemnem benedictionem in missa.”  Wilkins, Concilia, tom. ii. p. 304.  Again, in the account of the mass before a provincial synod in the same year we read : “In fine vero missae ante Agnus Dei praedictus episcopus Norwyc. de praecepto et licentia speciali Cantuar. archiepiscopi solennem benedictionem super populum fecit.  Expleta missa archiepiscopus benedictionem populo dedit.”  Concilia, tom. ii. p. 312.
‘At this period of the service denunciations of excommunications, and prayers, sometimes were also to be said : some examples of which are given by Bona, and by Angelo Rocca de campanis.  To those I would add from Wilkins : “Advertentes insuper praesentium turbationum pericula, quae veraciter ex nostris excessibus et delictis causari creduntur, ad quorum inde remedium opportunum decet et expedit divinum implorare subsidium : vobis caeterisque coepiscopis antedictis injungimus, ut psalmos et orationes pro pace, antequam dicatur ‘Pax Domini,’ intra missas et proces siones publicas, prout jamdudum mandabamus, dici ac fieri faciatis, et faciant diligenter.” Concilia, tom. ii. p. 222, A.D. 1296.
‘The following again from the oath of an abbot of Westminster for fulfilling the will of king Henry the seventh : “Item I shall cause every monke singing and sayeing in the chapitre masse in the said monasterie . . . to sing and sey deuoutly for the same kyng at euery such masse after the fraccion of the holy sacrament, and before the holye prayer of Agnus Dei, all such special psalms, orations and prayers for the same kyng, as be conteigned in the same indentures.” Dugdale, Monast. Anglic. vol. i. p. 279.
‘To this part of the service are also to be referred the Preces in prostratione, which are commonly found in the printed editions of the Sarum missal . . .
‘A similar office is appointed in the other English missals ; but they vary as to the days on which it may be said.  Thus the York use appoints two different arrangements of psalms and prayers ; the Bangor has one only ; and so the Hereford. . . .’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 160.

See also Maskell, Monumenta Ritualia Ecclesiae Anglicanae, (2nd edit, Oxford, 1882), I: cxlv-vii.
Episcopal benedictions are found in the Sarum Pontificale, Cambridge, Trinity College MS B 11.9, beginning at fo. 126r.
J Wickam Legg, ed., Missale Ecclesie Westmonasteriensis II (London, 1893) contains episcopal benedictions for the liturgical year, beginning at column 533.
Episcopal benedictions are also found in the Pontificale Romanum (Venice, 1520): 236r-252r.  ‘It states however that the Roman church  no longer (at that time) used them : “Has autem benedictiones ecclesia Romana non habet in usu : sed in fine missae dicuntur, Sit nomen Domini benedictum,”, &c.’, Maskell: cxlvi. (Pont. Rom.:237r.)

Pax Domini
‘ “Quare ad missam mortuorum pax non datur, triplex assignatur ratio.  Prima est quoniam hoc officium triduanam Christi sepulturam significat ubi pax non datur propter oscu lum Judae.  Secunda quia non communicamus mortuis, quia nobis non respondent : unde est quod corpus nunquam debet esse in ecclesia quamdiu missa de die celebratur.  Tertia est quoniam sicut ex multis granis collectis unus panis effi citur et ex multis racemis vinum eliquatur, sic et ex multis fidelibus (quorum quidam boni, quidam mali) una ecclesia constituitur et coadunatur.  Quia ergo mortuo homine ne scitur utrum sit ipse de conformitate ecclesiae, et pacem cum creatore suo habeat, ideo pacem non damus, nec Benedicamus nec Deo gratias nec aliquas laudes referimus pro mortuis, quia non est unde agendae sint : non enim apparet eorum requies.” Manuale Sar.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 165.

Ad Agnus Dei dicendum . . .’
‘See a very learned disquisition in Gerbert, de musica, tom. i. p. 454, &c. as to the ancient custom of singing or saying this, and whether the people joined with the choir.  A passage in Aelfric’s homilies appears to prove that in his time the Agnus Dei was sung in the churches of England : “Be tham singad Godes theowas aet aelcere maessan.  Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi miserere nobis.  that is on urum getheode,” &c.  Hom. in di. sanct. paschae.  It was forbidden on easter eve in that age by the canons of Aelfric (whether the same Aelfric I cannot say) : “On caster eve, let there not be sung at the mass-offering neither Agnus Dei, nor ‘Communio,’ but among those who desire the housel, let the chanter begin : “Alleluia,” &c. Thorpe, Antient laws and institutes, vol. ii. p. 359.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 164.

Agnus Dei
‘Probably without sufficient permission the Agnus Dei was sometimes treated like the Kyrie eleison and interpolations introduced.  For example the following which occurs in some old missal, but I have lost the reference :–
‘Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, crimina tollis, aspera mollis, agnus honoris, miserere nobis
‘Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, vulnera sanas, ardua planas, agnus amoris, miserere nobis.
‘Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, sordida mundas, cuncta fecundas, agnus odoris, dona nobis pacem.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 166.

Hec sacrosancte commixtio
‘This prayer is remarkable, retained as it was so long in the English church, after the chalice was no longer given to the laity.  It is not in the Roman use in the editions of the fifteenth century.  Archbishop Cranmer in his answer to the Devonshire rebels was not forgetful of the argument which this prayer seems to support for communion in both kinds.  Vide Remains, vol. ii. p. 217.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 168.

The earlier missals omit mention of the sign of the cross at the commingling.

The Crawford Missal includes at this point an additional prayer: Domine Jesu Christe qui dixisti apostolis tuis pacem meam do vobis. This familiar prayer appears in the uses of Hereford and Rome.

Domine sancte Pater
‘This seems to be a Mozarabic prayer, see Hammond, (C. E.) Litt. E. and W., Oxford, 1878, p. 351.’, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:51.

Pax tibi et ecclesie
Presumably the versicle and reponse are sung to the simple melody F . . . D.  If a special melody were intended it would have been notated.
The Bologna Missal has ‘Christe’ instead of ‘Dei’.

The Crawford Missal has instead: ‘Habete cinculum caritatis et pacis ut aptis sitis sacrosanctis misteriis.’, similarly to the Uses of York and Hereford. The Morris Missal has ‘Pax Christi hjabundet semper in cordibus vestris.’

‘Diaconus a dextris sacerdotis ab eo pacem recipiat . . . ‘
‘Keeping up the old usage followed by the Anglo-Saxons, the Salisbury rubric was to send,
just before the communion, the Pax all about the church. This token of good-will and brotherly love was conveyed from one to another by a kiss upon the cheek. Pressing his lips to the outside of the chalice, which held the blood of Christ, the sacrificing priest thus took, as it were, the kiss from our Lord himself, and then gave it either to the individual highest in holy orders then present, or to the person who served his mass. This clerk, in his turn, carried the kiss from the altar to the people by kissing the chief personage among the men, who, turning about, saluted each his neighbour. . . . About the middle of the thirteenth century, a new way of giving this kiss of peace was followed.  Instead of the clerk’s cheek, the priest kissed the figure of our Blessed Lord, painted on a small piece of wood, or graven on a plate of copper, set in a frame, with a handle behind, as is shown in this cut. So shaped, it could easily be carried about among the people by the clerk, in his left hand; and, after each kiss bestowed upon it, wiped with a little napkin which he held for that purpose in his right hand.

‘The earliest mention anywhere of such a ritual appliance, is to be found among this country’s ecclesiastical enactments, in which it is called ” osculatorium,” ” asser pacis,” “tabula pacis.” (Among other sacred things to be found by the parishioners for their church, according to the statutes of Archbishop Walter Gray, for his province of York (A.D. 1250), was “osculatorium.” (Wilkins, Concil., i. 698.) In like manner the synod of Exeter (A.D. 1287) decreed there should be ” asser ad pacem ” {ibid., ii. 139), and the council of Merton (A.D. 1305), “tabulas pacis ad osculatorium ” (ibid., 280).)  Its more common name was (162) *’ pax-brede,” which at once told its liturgical purpose, and of what material it happened, at first, to be generally made.  Afterwards, gold, silver, ivory, jewels, enamel, and the most beautiful workmanship, were bestowed upon i t ; though, for poor churches, it still continued to be of wood, or, at most, of copper gilt.

‘How the pax-brede used to stand on the altar all through mass, is shown by the accompanying picture.

‘As a kind of public penance from notorious and hardened sinners, the first thing was to withhold, not only the holy bread, but the “pax” also, at the parochial mass on Sundays.’   Rock, The Church of Our Fathers IV:185.

The Pax was not used in masses of the dead.  See Crede michi.

‘ “Pax : instrumentum quod inter missarum solemnia populo osculandum praebetur.”  Du cange, gloss.  The introduction of the pax instead of the old practice of mutual salutation was not until about the thirteenth century.  In a council held at York in the year 1250 under Walter Gray, archbishop, the earliest mention occurs of the pax or Osculatorium as used in England.  It is named among the ornaments and furniture of the altar which were to be provided by the parishioners.  Wilkins Concil. i. 698.  Again in the same collection, ii. 280, we find a similar order to have been made in the province of Canterbury in the year 1 305 at the council of Merton : “tabulas pacis ad osculatorium.” Both of these constitutions are to be found also in Johnson’s Eccles. laws, vol. ii.  Several figures of the pax are given in works relating to the subject, and in many of the printed editions of the Sarum missal it is represented as part of the furniture of the altar in the woodcut which commonly precedes the service for advent sunday.
‘The mediaeval practice during synods at solemn celebration of mass before the archbishop of Canterbury was that the bishop of Winchester should carry to him the pax.  Archbishop Parker says : “Hujus proprium fuit in missis auream pacem accipere, eandemque ad archiepiscopum osculandam deferre et altari referre.”  But Parker is careful also to explain that this custom was observed only “in profligatis illis papisticis ritibus pomposis atque solennibus.”  De ant. Brit. eccl. p. 30.  Parker’s old puritan adversary (quoted above, p. 30) remarks on this, ” what a worthye reputacion the bishoppe off Winchester thought yt to bee for a commendacion off honour to carie him the golden pax, for his supersticious lippes to kisse.”  Sign. D ij.
‘Le Brun, tom. i. p. 292, has an interesting disquisition on the subject of the pax ; and in a note states that the reason why it also in its own turn fell into disuse abroad was the quarrels about precedency which it occasioned among the people.  Sometimes this jealousy led to great irreverence.  In 1496 one Johanna Dyaca of the parish of All Saints, Stanyng, was presented before the archdeacon of Middlesex, “quod projecit le paxbrede ad terram, in ecclesia, ea occasione quod alia mulier ejusdem parochie osculavit ante eam.” Hale’s Precedents, cxcj.  Chaucer, more than a hundred years before this time, had also spoken of the same matter.  He makes the Parson in his Tale say of the proud man that “he awaiteth to sit, or els to go above him in the waie, or kisse paxe ,or be encenced before his neighbour,” &c.  Notices of the pax are common in monastic and church inventories.  In the Rites of Durham abbey we are told that they possessed “a marvelous faire booke which had the epistles and gospels in it, the which booke had on the outside of the coveringe the picture of our saviour Christ, all of silver–whiche booke did serve for the pax in the masse :” p. 7.  A book which an abbot of Glastonbury gave to the high altar might have and possibly did answer the same purpose : “unum textum argenteum et auratum, cum crucifixo, Maria et Johanne, splendidus emalatum.”  Johan. Glaston. de rebus Glaston. : Hearne, p. 365.  Examples of paxes are to be seen in many public collections of works of mediaeval art.  In London some are in the British museum ; and more are in the collections at South Kensington in metal, silver, and ivory.  They are generally carved with some scriptural subject, and occasionally have inscriptions.  For instance, I have seen on one the appropriate prayer, “Da pacem, Domine, in diebus nostris :” on another, above the annunciation, “Ave Maria :” on a third, representing the nativity with the shepherds, “Gloria in excelsis Deo, et in terra pax.”  In small or poor parishes it is probable that paxes were often made of wood.  None in that mean material are known to exist, but “iij lyttel paxbredes of tre” belonged to the parish of St Mary Chepe in 1431.  A list of goods destroyed in the diocese of Lincoln by the commissioners in 1566 (printed by Mr Peacock) tells us of “a paxe of wood” burnt at Baston, another at Dunsbie, and another at Haconbie.
‘One of the latest notices, if not the last, in England of the use of the pax is in the injunctions given in 1548 (2 Edw. VI) to the deanery of Doncaster : “And the clerk in like manner shall bring down the pax, and standing without the church door shall say boldly to the people these words : ‘This is a token of joyfull peace which is betwixt God and men’s conscience.  Christ alone is the peace-maker, which straitly commands peace between brother and brother.’ ” Hierurgia Anglic. p. 2.  The “church door” here spoken of refers to the door in the roodscreen between the nave and chancel of the church.  See note in Monum. ritualia, vol. i. p. 50.
‘In some remarks on the pax which I had occasion to make in a dissertation on mediaeval carvings in ivory I drew attention to a passage in the third act of Shakspeare’s Henry the fifth, scene 5.  Bardolph is to be hanged because he “hath stolen a pax,” a “pax of little price.”  Until lately the editors printed the word as “pyx :” but Shakspeare lived too near the time when both were in general use to be ignorant of the distinction between them ; although Dr Johnson (who, after all could not know everything) informs us that the two words “signified the same thing.”  I would refer for what I further said to the note itself ; Ivories, ancient and medieval, p. Ixxxj.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 170.

‘. . . tenendo hostiam duabus manibus.‘ The Bologna Missal has ‘. . . sacerdos elevet patenam cum corpore et teneat ultra calicem . . .‘; the host is elevated not in the two hands, but on the paten.

Deus Pater fons et origo

Domine Jesu Christe Fili Dei vivi
‘Salvator mundi.  This is a Hispano-Gallican phrase.  It has been dropped in R.  The fact of a prayer being addressed to the second person in the Trinity is almost a certain sign of Gallican or Mozarabic origin.’, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:52.

The Crawford Missal add the prayer ‘Gratias agimus tibi Deus Pater omnipotens pro jam beatificatis . . .’. The Arsenal Missal adds the prayer ‘Opera divina virtus quod tuum est in anima mea . . .’.

Corporis et sanguinis tui Domine.
The Arsenal Missal has a different prayer which supplicates for ‘nobis famulis tuis peccatoribus’. In the lower margin appears what may be an alternative : ‘. . . custodiant me in vitam eternam.’ the Arsenal Missal continues with another prayer: ‘Perceptio corporis et sanguinis Domini nostri Jesu Christi proficiat michi . . .’.

Ad corpus dicat . . .’
‘It will be observed that the English uses differ in the form at the priest’s receiving.  When laity communicated there was also a considerable variety in the words used.  From St. Ambrose, de sacramentis, lib. iv. cap. 5, and from St. Augustine, serm. 272, 332, we may conclude that as in the Clementine liturgy the simple words were said, “Corpus Christi :” to which was answered “Amen.”  Many forms of later ages, in delivering both the Body and the Blood to the people, may be seen collected in Georgius, tom. iii. lib. iv. cap. xix.  Several again in the various orders printed by Martene in his first volume de ant. ritibus.  Micrologus gives this : “Corpus et sanguis Domini nostri Jesu Christi proficiat tibi in vitam aeternam.” Cap. 23.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 180.
‘One of the constitutions of St. Edmund of Canterbury in the thirteenth century directs how priests are to take the host : “Item in celebratione missae hostiam consecratam daturus sacerdos sibimet ipsi, ne admoveat ori suo, quia ante perceptionem eam ore suo tangere non debet.  Si vero de patena sicut quidam faciunt, eam sumat, post celebrationem missae tam patenam quam calicem faciat aqua perfundi, vel solum calicem, si eam non sumat de patena : habeat quoque sacerdos juxta altare pannum mundissimum circumdatum undique et honeste et decenter coopertum, in quo, post sump tionem sacramenti salutaris, digitos cum labiis ablutos emundet.” Concil. tom. i. p. 639.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 181.
‘cum humiliatione.  Perhaps, with an act of prostration.’, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:53.

Ave in eternum sanctissima caro
‘This is a Mozarabic salutation.  Hammond (C. E.) Litt. E. and W., Oxford, 1878, p. 351.’, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:53. (The following salutation is likewise Mozarabic.)

Ave in eternum celestis potus

Hic suma sanguinem I quo sumpto . . .
‘If any were to be communicated during the mass this was the time appointed : as it is still directed in the Ritus celebrandi missam : “Si qui sint communicandi in missa, sacerdos post sumptionem sanguinis, antequam se purificet, facta genuflexione, ponat particulas,” &c. Tit. x. 6.  The Rubrics generales of the Paris missal are particular on one point :–
‘ “Si qui sint sacram communionem accepturi, sacerdos non eos differat post missae finem sine necessitate.  Ordo enim postulat, ut communio populi fiat intra missam, et immediate sequatur communionem sacerdotis.”  Cap. x.
‘So also the Roman ritual : “Communio autem populi infra missam fieri debet (nisi quandoque ex rationabili causa post missam sit facienda) cum orationes, quae in missa post communionem dicuntur, non solum ad sacerdotem sed etiam ad alios communicantes spectant.”
‘I need scarcely add that for many ages before the reformation (probably from the eleventh century) communion was given in the church of England in one kind only.  We may take the reasons for this from Lyndwood : “Quae est ratio” (he enquires) “quare laicis non datur eucharistia sub duplici specie?”  We may observe that as mere communicants clerics as well as laity were under the same rule : the priest could receive in both kinds only if he also consecrated : “Dic, una ratio est, quia sic possent credere quod totus Christus non esset sub eadem specie.  Alia ratio est propter periculum, quia de facili posset effundi sanguis.  Tertia est ut veritas respondeat umbrae, quia in lege non habebant offerentes de libamine.  Alia potest esse ratio, quia non esset decens nec securum, ut tantum conficeretur de sanguine, quantum sufficeret uni magnae parochiae, in qua sunt quandoque multa millia personarum, nec posset altare tale vas in quo conficeretur recipere.” Lib. I. tit. I, Altissimus, verb. vinum purum.
‘After receiving the communion people in the middle ages were given unconsecrated wine, of which they took a small portion.  Repeated injunctions were laid upon parish priests that they should carefully explain that the wine so given was merely wine. and that the Blood of our Lord had been already received under one kind only.
‘The rubrics at the beginning of the Roman missal still prescribe the same ; rule but in practice, at least everywhere in England, the observance of it has long been forgotten : “Minister autem dextra manu tenens vas cum vino et aqua, sinistra vero mappulam, aliquanto post sacerdotem eis porrigit purificationem, et mappulam ad os abstergendum.” Ritus celebr. missam, x.
‘Upon the mode of receiving I need scarcely remind the reader of the famous passage in St. Cyril, Catech. mystag. v. cap. xxj : and according to the same feelings the Church has always insisted upon outward gestures of reverence and awe : not merely by way of decency as on less solemn occasions but here as of actual necessity.  As St. Augustine declares, “nemo carnem ilium manducat nisi prius adoraverit.” Enar. in ps. xcviii. 5.  I shall only add a passage from St. Chrysostom, as cited and translated by an Anglican writer in the seventeenth century : “This Body the wise men reverenced, even when it lay in the manger, and approaching thereto worshipped with great fear and trembling.  Let us therefore who are citizens of heaven imitate at least these barbarians . . . But thou seest this Body not in the manger, but on the altar ; not held by a woman, but presented by the priest . . . Let us therefore stir up ourselves, and show far greater reverence than those barbarians, lest by our careless and rude coming we heap fire on our heads. Homil. xxiv, cit. Ashwell, Gestus eucharisticus : cf. also pp. 46 and 120.  And in Lactantius, de morte persec., the vision of St. Perpetua : cited by Gerbert, tom. i. p. 125 : “ego accepi junctis manibus.”
‘How long the custom continued of receiving the eucharist into the hands is uncertain.  “Primis temporibus (says Mabillon, Mus. Ital. 2. lix) eucharistia etiam laicis tribuebatur in manus.”  There is a canon of the council of Toledo, A.D. 400 : “Si quis acceptam a sacerdote eucharistiam non sumpserit, veluti sacrilegus repellatur.”  But this is directed against the heresy of the Priscillianists.  The old form was first given up at Rome, before the age of St. Gregory the Great : but for some long time after it was still retained in other churches.  We hear of a certain abbess, St. Odilia, into whose hands not only the host but the chalice was delivered in the eighth century : praefat. in saec. iii, Benedict, p. i, observat. x.  Georgius, tom. iii. p. 174, from whom I quote the above, cites also St. Caesar of Aries, who proves that men and women received differently : “viri enim quando ad altare accessuri sunt, lavant manus suas, et omnes mulieres nitida exhibent lin teamina ubi corpus Christi accipiant.” See, almost word for word, St. Augustine, Serm. 152 (cit. Casalius, p. 91).  There is an express canon in the year 578 : “Ne liceat mulieri nuda manu eucharistiam accipere.”  Concil. Autisiodor.  And another canon of the same council orders that “unaquaeque mulier (quando communicat) dominicalem suam habeat.”  As to what this dominicale was, Baronius, Mabillon, and many others suppose it to be the same as the linteamina : above but Stephen Baluze says it was a covering for the head, resting his opinion upon a council of Angers : “Si mulier communicans dominicale suum super caput suum non habuerit, usque ad alium diem non communicet.” The Anglo-saxon rule was, “mulieribus licet sub nigro velamine eucharistiam accipere.”  Egbert, Confessional. 37.  It is difficult to explain a later canon under king Edgar : “We enjoin that no woman come near to the altar while mass is celebrating.”  Thorpe, vol. i. p. 255.  One thing is clear, that women were not permitted to receive with uncovered hands.  To return to men : Bede records the death in the year 680 of Caedmon, a monk, who feeling himself dying “interrogavit, si eucharistiam intus haberent . . . Rursus ille : ‘et tamen,’ ait, ‘afferte mihi eucharistiam.’  Qua accepta in manu, interrogavit, si omnes placidum erga se animum haberent,” &c.  Hist. eccles. lib. iv. cap. 24.
‘Very anciently there seems to have been great difference of practice as to the administration of the chalice by deacons.  Martene, de ant. rit. lib. i. c. iv, brings many examples by which he proves that it was not only allowed but general : and there is the well-known complaint of St. Laurence to pope Sixtus : “Quo sacerdos sancte sine diacono properas ? nun quid degenerem me probasti ? experire, utrum idoneum magistrum elegeris, cui commisisti dominici sanguinis dispensationem.”  As Merati remarks upon Gavantus, tom. i. p. 230, citing this ; St. Laurence says not the Body, but the Blood : as if to give the chalice was an especial part of the office of deacons.  On the other hand, we have St. Chrysostom, Hom. 46. in Matt., declaring that none but a priest can administer the chalice, and the fifteenth canon of the second council of Aries decreeing that when a priest is present a deacon may not administer “the body of the Lord ;” which seems still further to limit the canon of the council of Nice, viz. that deacons should not “give the body of Christ” to priests.  The sixteenth of the canons of Aelfric allows deacons to “baptize children, and housel the people :” which, if there should be any doubt, is fully explained in the pastoral epistle of the same Aelfric : “the deacon may give the bread, and baptize children.”  Thorpe, Ancient laws and institutes, vol. II. pp. 349, 379.
But this canon of the council of Nice may be reconciled with the others by remembering that deacons were forbidden by it to distribute to priests : in which case there would be conveyed a tacit permission that they might to the laity.  There seems to be no ground for supposing that the Nicene fathers intended in any way to oppose the custom of the first and apostolic age when, as St. Justin tells us (Apolog. ii.) the deacons carried the eucharist to the absent and the sick.  The thirty-eighth canon of the fourth council of Carthage, A.D. 252, is very much to the point : “Praesente presbytero, diaconus eucharistiam corporis Christi populo, si necessitas cogat, jussus eroget.”  And with this Lyndwood agrees, in his gloss upon the text, Diaconi baptizare non praesumant, nisi, &c. : “In casu necessitatis, absente presbytero, potest diaconus suo jure baptizare, et corpus Christi erogare infirmis : sed in ecclesia praesente presbytero non potest, etiamsi necessitas exigat, nisi jussus a presbytero, puta, cum multi sint qui indigent baptismo, et presbyter non potest omnibus sufficere.  Similiter, si multi volunt accipere corpus Christi, nec presbyter sufficit omnibus.” Lib. iii. tit. 24.  Baptisterium habeatur.  So that in all these cases an express command from the priest was necessary, that deacons might not presume ; and attempt even perhaps to consecrate : as may be inferred from the twenty-fifth chapter of the council of Laodicea, cited by Cassander, Opera, p. 73 : “Non oportet diacono panem dare, nec calicem benedicere.”  One word upon the address of St. Laurence to pope Sixtus cited above.  I would remind the reader that in the text of the Benedictine edition of the works of St. Ambrose, upon whose authority the tradition mainly rests, the reading is not dispensationem but consecrationem. De off. lib. i. 41, tom. ii. p. 55.  If this latter is correct, it can only be understood in a very extended sense.  See above, note 12, p. 127.
‘An abuse seems to have crept in in England about the thirteenth century, which is thus described and forbidden in the constitutions of Walter Cantilupe bishop of Worcester : “Audivimus autem quidem, quod merito credimus reprobandum, quod quidam sacerdotes parochianos suos, cum communicant, offerre compellunt : propter quod simul communicant, et offerunt, per quod venalis exponi videtur corporis et sanguinis Christi hostia pretiosa : hoc quod execrabile sit, nullus ambigit sanae mentis : hoc igitur avaritiae horrendum vitium, interdicimus et execramus.”  Wilkins, Concilia, tom. i. p. 671.  So, once more, a canon of a synod of the diocese of Chichester in 1289 : “In sacrosancto die paschae, sine ulla exactione decimae vel debiti, seu oblationis, liberaliter conferant corpus Christi : ne una manu porrigendo eucharistiam, altera recipiendo pecuniam, nostrae redemptionis mysterium fiat venale.  Quod si compertum sit fieri, praecipimus hujusmodi flagi tiosum commercium severitate canonica graviter vindicari.”  Concil. tom. 2. p. 170 ; cf. tom. 3. p. 60.
‘In the first age of the Church all who were present at the service of the blessed eucharist, except those under discipline, partook of the communion : the prayers alone of the liturgies, even had we no other evidence, abundantly testify that they were drawn up on the supposition of the presence of many communicants.  Micrologus in the eleventh century says : “sciendum est, juxta antiquos patres, quod soli communicantes divinis mysteriis interesse consueverunt.” Cap. 51.  Cardinal Bona adds “hanc consuetudinem diu perstitisse evidens est.” and goes on to speak of some churches at Rome where the priest is not permitted to communicate alone at high mass : “In missa solemni retenta est ab aliquibus eccle siis communio ministrorum, quae Romae nunc permanet in insignioribus basilicis, et ubi desierat, apostolicae visitationis decreto restituta est.  Sapientissimo sane consilio, ne in de suetudinem abeat antiquissimus ecclesiae ritus, sine quo vix possunt intelligi, quae in liturgicis orationibus quotidie recitantur.” Rerum liturg. lib. ii. cap. xvii. 2.  Van Espen speaks to the same purpose, and advises that parish priests should warn their people that they would communicate them only during the service : and again, “Ulterius populo exponendum quod ipsa communio sive participatio sacramenti partem quodam modo sacrificii constituat : ideoque summo pere conveniens esse, ut dum una cum sacerdote sacrificium offerunt, etiam una de sacrificio sacramentaliter com municando participent.”  Jus. ecc. universum, pars. ii. sect. I. tit. v.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 184.

‘. . . et effundat in calicem vinum et aquam . . .
‘The reader will observe a difference here in the English uses, and again between them and the Roman : which last appoints wine for the first ablution, which is rather called the purification.  Many of the ancient ritualists speak of wine ; and Durand of an ablution “missa finita,” which was then to be thrown away into some clean ; place probably the piscina : “in locum mundum et honestum.” Lib. iv. cap. 55.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 190.

‘. . . se ponere in sacrario‘, ‘a place where sacred objects are kept, an aumbry.  The aumbry, in the form of a free-sanding or recessed cabinet, would normally be located to the south of the altar, near to where a piscina might also be located.  (The piscina itself is often called a sacrarium.)  A credence table would also serve the purpose.

The Bologna Missal has a different order of ablutions: ‘In primum lotionem, Corpus tuum Domine quod indignus sumpsi . . . ‘, Ad secundum lotionem dicat, Quod ore sumpsimus . . . ad terciam lotionem dicat, Hec nos communio Domine purget . . .’

‘Post perceptionem ablutionum ponat sacerdos calicem super patenam . . . ‘ ‘The Manuals of ’37 and other earlier dates, and the Missal of ’54, make the Deacon perform the ablutions which follow immediately after the communion of the Blood.  After the asterisked rubric is this: “Which having drunk, let the Priest go to the midst of the Altar and place the chalice . . . and, after inclining himself before the Altar, say with great devotion, ‘I return thanks to Thee . . . unto life everlasting.’  Then let him go to the right side of the Altar and wash his hands,” etc.’, Pearson, The Sarum Missal:321.
‘The custom, nowhere practised now, of laying the chalice down to drain upon the paten, is well shown in this picture.’, Rock, The Church of Our Fathers IV:194.

The Bologna Missal has the following rubric and prayer: ‘Hic involvet sacerdos super patenam et junctis manibus dicat ante altare. Perceptio coproris et sangunis . . . ‘.

‘. . . Postea vero dicat cum suis ministris communionem.’  This is the proper Communion text.  The rubrics do not indicate the specific point at which the Communion chant is begun by the Choir.  Charles Walker, The Liturgy of the Church of Sarum (London, J. T. Hayes, 1866):80, indicates that the chanted Communion takes place while it is being said by the ministers.  It would seem that the conclusion of the sentence ‘Adoremus crucis signaculum’ would be the cue for the Choir to begin the Communion chant.
‘Though not prescribed, the blessing, after some way or another, of the people by the priest who had just done mass, it is likely, was allowed under the Sarum use.  In that of York, the priest gave a blessing to those about him, with the empty chalice and the folded corporals after mass, upon every festival of the double class.  (Benedictio generalis, cum calice et corporalibus plicatis, post missam dicetur omnibus festis duplicibus per annum hoc modo :—
Adiutorium nostrum in nomine Domini:
Qui fecit celum et terram.
Sit nomen Domini benedictum:
Ex hoc nunc et usque in seculum.
Benedicat vos divina maiestas et una deitas ; pater et filius + et spiritus sanctus.—York Missal (Surtees See), ii. 196.
‘At Evreux the custom was to bestow this benediction with the chalice only (Martene, De Antiq, Ecc. Rit., i. 4, art. xii. ordo xxviii.); and in Belgium the paten served the purpose, as the accompanying illustration shows.’, Rock, The Church of Our Fathers IV:195.

‘If not the general, it seems to have been a very common, practice with our old English priests to distribute the Eucharist among the people, not at the communion of the mass, but when the holy sacrifice had been done.
‘After communion, lay folks drank, not of the consecrated chalice, but unhallowed wine
from out another chalice, to help them to swallow with more ease and readiness the Eucharistic particle. Such a rubric was especially followed at the general houselings of the people at Easter, Whitsuntide, and Christmas, and the priest was told to warn his flock, that what they sipped from the chalice was mere wine; for in the Sacrament, though given them under one kind only, they had the blood as well as the flesh of Christ,—Christ whole and entire, true and alive, with all of himself, flesh and blood, in the Sacrament.  (This we learn from Archbishop Peckham, who says : Attendant insuper sacerdotes, quod cum communionem sacram porrigunt simplicibus paschali tempore vel alio, solicite eos instruant sub panis specie simul eis dari corpus et sanguinem Domini, immo Christum integrum, vivum et verum, qui totus est sub specie sacramenti.  Doceant etiam eosdem illud quod ipsis eisdem temporibus in calice propinatur, sacramentum non esse, sed vinum purum eis hauriendum, traditum, ut facilius sacrum corpus glutiant, quod perceperunt. —Wilkins,  Concil, ii. 53.  By the council of Exeter (A.D. 1287) it was enacted that in every church there must be, among other things, a little cup of silver or tin for taking to the sick, who should drink out of it the water in which the priest had washed the tips of his fingers after he had given them the viaticum:—Sit in qualibet ecclesia . . . ciphus argenteus vel stannous pro infirmis, ut postquam Eucharistiam assumpserint, loturam digitorum suorum sacerdos sibi prsebeat in eodem.—Ed. Camden, 139.)’ Rock, The Church of Our Fathers IV:197.

Dyaconus interim corporalia complicet.’
‘ “Quod ita plicari debet ut nec initium nec finis appareat, sicut etiam sudarium in sepulchro Domini inventum est.  Sudarium est ligamentum capitis.”  Alcuin, de divinis officiis ; Bibl. patr. auct. tom. i. p. 282.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 195.

Postea vero dicat cum suis ministris communionem.
‘In old times [the Communion] was sung whilst the people communicated.  See Gerbert, tom. i. p. 458.’ . . . We have no evidence from the old Gallic liturgies as to what might have been the practice of the British churches before the coming of Augustine of Canterbury.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 196.

The communion verse, as spoken by the minister(s) by no means happened at the identical time to the choral communion verse.

‘During lent a prayer was appointed in the old English missals to be said after the postcommunion, called the “super populum :”and was preceded by the form, “Humiliate capita vestra Deo.” [see 262.]  This custom was very ancient, as may be seen by an examination of cardinal Thomasius’ edition of the Gelasian sacramentary, and was for a long time said during the whole year : but afterwards was restricted to the season of lent, that the people might during their discipline be the better fortified by the prayers and benedictions of the Church against the malice of the devil.  As Amalarius tells us the intention was, “si omni tempore necesse est paratum esse bellicosum, adversus insidias sive impetus inimicorum : quanto magis in procinctu ?  Quadragesimali tempore scit adversarius noster a sancta ecclesia singulare certamen commissum esse contra se. . . . Vult sacerdos noster ut nostris armis vestiti simus : propterea jubet per ministrum, ut humiliemus capita nostra Deo, et ita tandem infundit super milites protectionem benedictionis suae.”  Lib. iii. cap. 37 ; compare Micrologus, cap. 51.  These prayers are still retained in the Roman missal.’, Maskell, The Ancient LIturgy:198.

Deinde diaconus, Benedicamus Domino.  Alio vero tempore dicitur Ite missa est.’
‘Micrologus gives us (writing in the eleventh century) the rule which then governed the saying either of the one form or the other : “Semper autem cum Gloria in excclsis etiam, Te Deum, et Ite missa est, recitamus.”  Cap. 46.  That is upon the Lord’s day and the greater festivals.’
‘ “Ad missas de Requiem quod attinet, Stephanus Au gustodunensis ex 600 jam annis nos monuit loco Ite missa est dici Requiescant in pace. . . . Non ergo populum per Ite missa est dimitti congrueret, cum fere missam sepultura precesque consequantur, quae sane persuadere adstantibus debent, ut ne recedant.”  Le Brun, i. 323 : and Belethus, cap. 49.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy:200.
‘The reason why sometimes this form [“Benedicamus Domino“] and sometimes the “Ite missa est” was used seems to be that upon the lesser festivals only the more religious and spiritually disposed would make a practice of being present, who were not to be so suddenly (as it were) dismissed, but rather were to give thanks to God.  Upon the greater feasts a large number of people of all occupations would probably attend, and to these the “Ite missa est” would be a licence to depart.  See Micrologus, cap. 46.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy:199.

‘. . . ad populum convertendo . . .
‘This turning towards the people, or towards the altar if “Benedicamus” was said, is noticed by many of the ancient ritualists.  Micrologus, cap. 46 : “Cum Ite, missa est, dicimus ,ad populum vertimur, quem discedere jubemus : cum autem, Benedicamus Domino, non ad populum sed ad altare, id est, ad Dominum vertimur, nosque ipsos non ad discedendum, sed ad benedicendum Domino adhortamur.”  So also Durandus, lib. iv. cap. 57.  Belethus, cap. 49. &c.  Le Brun says that in some churches of France the deacon turned towards the north, but he knows not why.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy:200.

Prayer. Placeat tibi
‘According to the old English uses the mass ended with the “Ite missa est” or the “Benedicamus Domino ;” and the people then were at liberty to leave the church : though it is not likely that many left until they knew that the prayer “Placeat tibi” had been said.  This prayer was in very early times left to the discretion and devotion of the priest to be said or not as he thought proper.  The reason why the final blessing was not given to the people in England before the seventeenth century may probably have been because of the episcopal benedictions which were to be said before the Agnus Dei.  The date of the addition of the benediction to the Roman use is uncertain : but when first added only a bishop was allowed to give it.  Some writers have carried the date up to the tenth or ninth century, because the blessing of the people at the end of the mass is mentioned by early ritualists.  But the blessing so spoken of refers to the post communion.  This is clear from the words of Walafrid Strabo (A.D. 830) : “Statutum est, ut populus ante benedictionem sacerdotis non egrediatur de missa.  Quae benedictio intelli gitur illa ultima sacerdotis oratio.”  Cap. 22.
‘Although this prayer is not in the old ordines Romani it is nevertheless very ancient, and occurs in the manuscript edited by Illyricus, in many others of equal date, and is noticed by Micrologus.  Another reason why the ordines omit it possibly is because in fact the service is already over, having concluded with the “Ite missa est.”  So in many manuscripts it is headed post missam, and Micrologus says : “Finita missa dicit, Placeat tibi, sancta Trinitas.” Cap. 23.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 202.

Sacerdos vero in redeundo dicat evangelium . . .
‘This lection was the first fourteen verses of the first chapter of the gospel according to St. John.  It has been said that it was not obligatory according to the Roman use until the last revision, after the council of Trent ; but the rubrics of the Bangor and Sarum missals do not seem to leave a discretion.  In some of the churches of France this last gospel is still read not at the altar but as in England anciently in returning to the sacristy ; in others standing at the entrance to it ; and again, in some, in the sacristy.  Many of the monastic uses omitted this gospel.
‘The directions when this gospel is now to be omitted according to the Roman liturgy, and another read in its stead, are given in the Rubr. gen. xiij. 2.’, Maskell, The Ancient Liturgy: 203.

‘. . . In principio. . . .’  Gospel of John, 1:1-14.

Prayers after the conclusion of the Mass
These versicles are very similar to those said at Compline.

V. Benedicamus Patrem (Canticle Benedicite omnia opera, verse 20-end.)

V. Non intres in judicium (Ps. 142:2)

V. Domine Deus virtutum (Ps. 79:20)

V. Domine exaudi orationem (Ps. 101:2)

Prayer. Deus qui tribus pueris mitigasti
This prayer also appears after the Tract from Daniel on the Four Ember Saturdays.

Prayer. Ure igne Sancti Spiritus (cf. Ps. 25:2)

Prayer. Actiones nostras quesumus
This prayer appears in Liber precum publicarum amongst the prayers to be said if there are no communicants.  However, the form in the Book of Common Prayer is different .

Prayers in prostration
The ‘Preces in prostratione’ are said only on the lesser days outside of festal seasons, more specifically, on ferias and vigils and unruled feasts. As an addition to the regular mass, they are often printed at the end of the Ordinary rather than after the Ablutions. The ‘Preces in prostratione’ are said immediately before ‘Pax Domini sit semper vobiscum.’  1182.

In the note:

V. Exurgat Deus (Ps. 67:2)

V. Salvum fac populum (Ps. 27:9)

V. Domine fiat pax Ps. 121:7)

‘. . . fiat prostratio a toto choro . . .’ While the Choir (and congregation) kneel, the Officiant (and assistants) stand. See Sarum Customary NCF-LE: 66:43: ‘sacerdos vero cum suis ministris similiter dicat preces sine prostracione . . .’.

The Psalms are said (sung) recto tono, alternating verses by sides.

Ps. Deus venerunt (Ps. 78)
Defensorium directorii [4] indicates that this psalm is particular to the Church of Sarum, for the saying of which 40 marks are paid annually.  Nothing is mentioned here about the following two psalms.

Ant. Tua est potentia (cf. I Para. 29:11)

V. Et ne nos inducas.
Beginning here the usual inflection of versicles is employed. See for example page [185] of the Noted Breviary.

V. Exurgat Deus et dissipentur (Ps. 67:2)

V. Non nobis Domine (Ps. 113:9)

R. Libera Deus Israel (after Ps. 24:22)

V. Mitte eis Domine (after Ps. 19:3)

V. Esto nobis Domine turris (after Ps. 60:4)

V. Domine salvum fac regem (Ps. 19:10)

V. Domine exaudi orationem (Ps. 101:2)

Prayer. Deus qui admirabili providentia
Apparently a prayer for the success of the first crusade.  It appears in the Encyclical of Pope Innocent III, Quia Major, April. 1213.

Prayer. Rege quesumus Domine famulum tuum
This also appears in the Sarum Missals in the Memorial of a Bishop.

In Legg, The Sarum Missal:210, the prayer is ‘Ecclesie tue quesumus Domine’.

Prayer. Da quesumus omnipotens Deus : famulo tuo

In Legg, The Sarum Missal:210, the prayer is ‘Deus a quo sancta desideria’.

It would appear that the two prayers indicated above were substituted in the latter half of the 15th. century.

Sequatur Pax Domini . . .’.  This is a cue to return and continue with the main text.

Benedicamus Domino and Ite missa est.
These musical settings are placed at the end of the ordinary as a kind of appendix.

Ite missa est
‘”Ite missa est.” the exact translation is uncertain.  It may be “Depart, the congregation is dismissed.”, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:55.  ‘It is impossible to translate this with justice: Depart, the Mass is ended, is something like the sense.’, Pearson, The Sarum Missal:321.

Cautele misse
‘While the cautels appear infrequently in medieval liturgical books, they are not unique to the Sarum Rite.  They appear, for example, in the Eichstatt Missal, 1486.
The Cautels ‘are contained in most of the ancient English Missalia, and other Office Books subsequent to the beginning of the fourteenth century, for they are not to be found entered therein previously to that period.  Those in the York (printed) Missale, for they are not in the MSS., are nearly identical with those of Sarum, but the Hereford Cautels differ in certain respects.
The Hereford Cautels require (which was the rule throughout England) that every Priest whom Canonical necessity did not excuse, was bound, once at least in the week, to receive the Body of Christ, and that the body of the Lord be conserved for the sick should be renewed every Sunday.’  John David Chambers, Divine Worship in England in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (London: Basil Montague Pickering, 1877):297.
A translation by John Purchas (London: Joseph Masters, 1858) is available, transcribed by Peter Owen, 2006.
A translation appears in John David Chambers, Divine Worship in England in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (London: Basil Montague Pickering, 1877):297-302.
A translation appears in Frederick George Lee, Directorium Anglicanorum, 2nd. ed. (London: Thomas Bosworth, 1865):83-92.

These are found in the Sarum and York (printed) Missals.


‘. . . Innocentius . . .’. presumably one of the popes, but which one is not clear.

‘. . . Hostiensis . . .’, Henry of Seguiso, ca. 1200-1271.

‘. . . quod tamen non oportet si pretermissa non esset.’, Henderson, The York Missal II (1872):226.

‘. . . formam . . .’, i. e. the words of consedration.

Speculum Sacerdotum
The Speculum Sacerdotum is ascribed to Hugh of Saint-Cher (d. 1263), a Dominican friar and cardinal.  It is the final portion of the Expositio misse seu speculum ecclesie.
A translation appears in Pearson, The Sarum Missal: 271.

Bernardus dicit: O sacerdos corpus
Ascribed to St. Bernard of Clairvaux (1090-1153), this text is to be found in the Stella clericorum, and also appears as a continuation of the Speculum Sacerdotum.
A translation appears in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:273.

Orationes ante missam
Deus qui de indignis dignos facis
Other translations appear in Warren, The Sarum Missal I:17, Chambers, A Companion to Confession and Holy Communion:52. and Herbert George Morse, Notes on Ceremonial: 1.

Deus qui indignis dignos de peccatoribus
This prayer appears to be a variant of the previous one.

This prayer also appears in the Breviary: [919].

Domine non sum dignus ut intres (cf. Mat. 8:8, Luke 7:6)
Other translations appear in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:276, Warren, The Sarum Missal I:18, Richard Henry Cresswell, Prayers for the Laity (1877):164, and Herbert George Morse, Notes on Ceremonial: 1.
The Prayer attributed to St. Thomas Aquinas, ‘Omnipotens sempiterne Deus ecce accedo’ is largely based on this Prayer (see below).

Obsecro te piissime Domine
Sources for this prayer appear to be limited to Sarum Missals.
Other translations appear in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:277, Chambers, A Companion to Confession:60; and Herbert George Morse, Notes on Ceremonial: 2.
‘. . . quam suavis est Domine . . . ‘ cf.  Pss. 33:9; 99:5.

Omnipotens sempiterne Deus ecce accedo.
Attributed to St. Thomas Aquinas.
Other translations appear in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:276; Warren, The Sarum Missal I:19; and Roman Catholic Daily Missal 1962:88.
This prayer appears to be based on the prayer ‘Domine non sum dignus ut intres’ (see above).

This prayer appears in the Breviary [919], but beginning with the words ‘Omnipotens et misericors Deus : ecce accedo’.

Oratio Devota: Omnipotens et misericors
This Prayer is a variant of the above.

Orationes post missam
Omnipotens sempiterne Deus conservator
Other translations appear in Pearson, The Sarum Missal: 323; Warren, The Sarum Missal I:61; Chambers, A Companion to Confession:89; and Herbert George Morse, Notes on Ceremonial: 40.

Omnipotens sempiterne Deus Jesu Christe Domine esto propicius
Attributed to St. Bonaventure (see Entretiens du prêtre avec Jésus-Christ I (Lyon: E.-B. Labaume, 1843):94) See also PL-121:827.
Other translations appear in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:323; Warren, The Sarum Missal I:61;  Chambers, A Companion to Confession:86
‘. . . Qui manducat meam carnem . . . in eo.’ John 6:57.
‘. . . ut in me cor mundum  . . confirmare digneris’ after Ps. 50: 12, 14.
‘. . . omnibus insidiis dyaboli . . . from the Litany (Brev.: [426]).

Gratias tibi ago . . . qui me dignatus
The sources for the Prayer appear to be limited to Sarum Missals.
Other translations appear in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:323; Warren, The Sarum Missal I:61; Chambers, A Companion to Confession:91; and Herbert George Morse, Notes on Ceremonial: 57.

Presbyter in Christi
Trans. Warren, The Sarum Missal I:62.
Another translation appears in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:324.
In Augustin-Pierre-Paul Caron, Manuel des cérémonies selon le rite de l’église de Paris (Paris: Adrien le Clere, 1816): ‘Notice historique sur les rites de l’église de Paris’: 24. this verse is titled ‘De regimine sacerdotum.’

Gratias ago tibi dulcissime
Other translations appear in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:324; Chambers, A Companion to Confession:90; and Divine Service: A Complete Manual of Worship (London: G. J. Palmer, 1878):103.
This Prayer appears also in the York Missals.

Omnipotens sempiterne . . . qui venisti
Anther translation appears in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:325.

Gratias tibi ago . . . qui me immundum
Other translations appear in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:325; Chambers, A Companion to Confession:89; and Herbert George Morse, Notes on Ceremonial: 40.

Oratio preambula: Septies in hac die
This prayer properly pertains to the Office, and not to the Mass.
Another translation appears in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:270.
‘Septies in hac die laudem dicam tibi’ cf. Ps. 118:164.
‘. . . septem demonia ab illa evangelica Maria per Christum ejecta . . .’, cf. Luke 8:2.
‘. . . octonarium beatitudinum . . . ‘, cf. Mat. 5:3-10.
‘. . . sacrificium laudis . . .’, Heb. 13:15.
‘. . . hostiam vivam sanctam, probatam, tibi placitam . . .’, cf. Rom. 12:1.
‘. . . diffunde gratiam tuam in labiis meis . . .’, cf. Ps. 44:3.
‘. . . de corde bono . . .’, Luke 8:15.
‘. . . eructare verbum bonum . . .’, cf. Ps. 44:2.
‘. . . propter gratiam labiorum . . .’, Prov. 22:11.
‘. . . in voce exultationsi et confessionis . . .’, Ps. 41:5.
‘. . . os meum aperiam . . .’, cf. Ps. 50:17.
This latter verse, significantly, is also the opening Versicle of Matins. (See Brev.:38.)

Summe sacerdos (1)
Another translation appears in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:273.
‘Hec quotiescunque feceritis : in mei memoriam facietis.’ cf. I Cor. 11:25.
(Up to this point the following prayer is similar.)
‘. . . de indignis dignos, . . . justos facis et sanctos.’ See the first two prayers to be said before Mass, 1207.

Summe sacerdos (2)
Known also as the Prayer of St. Ambrose, it has been ascribed to Jean de Fecamp (d. 1079). In the Missale ad usum insignis ecclesiae Eboracensis I (1872):163. it is titled ‘Oratio sancti Augustini’.
As the notes indicate, this prayer exists in several version.
Other translations appear in Chambers, A Companion to Confession:53; in Littledale and Vaux, The Priest’s Prayer Book (London: J. Masters and Co., 1876):10; and in Thesaurus Precum Latinarum.
It was included in John Burchard’s Ordo sevandus per sacercotem in celebratione misse (ca. 1500), and then in the Roman Missal.
This prayer appears in the (Tridentine) Missale Romanum of St. Pius V. (Ratisbon: Putstet, 1862: 70), where it is divided into seven sections, one for each day of the week.
Presumably Dickinson included it in his edition because of its association with the preceding prayer and its appearance in the Bromsgrove Missal of 1511.
‘Hoc quotienscumque feceritis in mei memoriam facietis.’ cf. I Cor. 11:25.
‘Tu enim misereris omnium Domine et nichil odisti eorum que fecisti.’, cf. Sap. 11:25.
‘Tu Deus noster es, ne irascaris satis’, cf. Is. 64:8-9.
‘. . . neque multitudinem viscerum tuorum super nos contineas.’ cf. Is. 63:15.
‘. . . pane vivo qui descendisti de celo, et das vitam mundo, . . .’, cf. Joh. 6:33.
‘Panis quem ego dabo caro mea est pro mundi vita.’, Joh. 6:52.
‘Qui manducat me, ipse vivet propter me’, Joh. 6:58.
‘et ipse manet in me et ego in eo.’, Joh. 6:57.
‘Ego sum panis vivus . . . vivet in eternum.’, John. 6:51-52.
‘. . . ubi non misteriis sicut in hoc tempore agitur, sed facie ad faciem te videbims.’, cf. I Cor. 13:12.

Viri venerabiles
Trans. John William Hewett, An English Version of the Ancient Poem Viri Venerabiles, Sacerdotes Dei (London: J. T. Hayes, 1861): 7.  This translation also appears in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:274.


Orationes pro bono felici regis nostri Henrici VII (VIII)
These prayers are similar to (but not the same as) those found in the Mass for the King (amongst the Votive Masses).

Quesumus omnipotens et misericors Deus ut rex noster
‘. . . qui via veritas et vita . . . ‘, after John 14:6.

Benedictione agni pasche: Deus celi
Another translation appears in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:594.

Missa reconciliationis beate Marie
This Mass is rarely to be found in medieval sources.  With the exception of the Officium, the texts are not borrowed from other existing masses.

Officium.  Gaudeamus omnes in Domino (Ps. 44:2)
This Officium is also used for several other feasts, notably the principal feasts of the Blessed Virgin (The Conception, the Visitation, the Assumption, and the Nativity), but also the Feasts of St. Agatha, the Translation of St. Edmund, St. Anne, and All Saints.
Different sources (Roman and Dominican) apply the B-flat at different places.

Gradual. Luce splendida fulgebis (Tobit 13:13-15)

Alleluya. Beati omnes qui diligunt te (after Tob. 13:18. 23)

Sequence. Mittit ad sterilem
The translation is adapted from that found in Pearson, The Sarum Missal:529.
AH-VIII:#53 (p. 51)  It appears, as indicated in in AH, that the text can be sung to the melody of Mittit ad virginem (Votive Masses for the Blessed Virgin).

Offertory. Beatam te dicent omnes generationes (after Luke 1:48-49)

Secret. Domine Jesu Christe, sanctarum cogitationum
This Secret appears to be found only in Sarum sources.

Communion. Benedicite Deum celi cum timore (cf. Tobit 13:6, 8:18)

Postcommunion. Concede quesumus omnipotens Deus sacramenta
This Postcommunion appears to befound only in Sarum sources.

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